The horror genre viewed through the lens of psychology of literature (Part I)
Introduction
Thriller, mystery or horror novels (or short stories) are literary genres whose names were derived from the emotion they are meant to evoke. To achieve this effect in horror, the reader's identification with the protagonist, also called narrative empathy, is key. The emotions of the reader and the main character are then similar, sometimes even identical. (Note: This is not the case in other genres; for example, in tragedy the main character experiences suffering and pain, but the prevailing emotion in the reader is usually compassion.)
Horror as a genre (artistic fiction) evokes in us a certain (real) emotion, which Carroll (1990) called art horror. According to him, it is a (transient) emotional state with its physiological and cognitive aspects, with the physiological being secondary in his view, as it can be associated with various other emotional states, or with none at all (e.g., increased heart rate from running). Carroll in his theory emphasizes the cognitive aspect (e.g., I feel fear because I believe I have found myself in life-threatening danger). According to him, a person experiences a state of "art horror" if they are in a state of psychological agitation accompanied by physiological manifestations, such as trembling or heart palpitations (a), caused by the notion that a particular "monstrous being" could really exist and threaten their (the reader's) physical (moral or social) existence (b), while this being is simultaneously perceived as "impure," causing the subject to feel the need to avoid contact with it (c) (Carroll, 1990, s. 27).
Authentic fear and fear induced by literary fiction are essentially almost always fear of death (one's own or of persons significant to us), of pain, or of loss, both on a physiological and metaphorical level, e.g., the dissolution of one's self-image as a significant (strong, brave, compassionate, helpful, etc.) person – always depending on the values the individual holds important.
The ways, extent, and intensity of experiencing fear differ for each person – individual differences stem from personality structure (activation-motivational, relational-attitudinal, performance, dynamic, self-regulatory traits, as well as traits of mental processes and states) and from physiological givens (e.g., pain threshold level).
Factors of Preference for the Horror Genre
The search for an answer to the question of why a person voluntarily chooses to experience intense emotions of fear and anxiety induced by (literary or film) fiction, and why the sight of real or imagined suffering of others is so appealing, prompted the emergence of several relevant theories at the end of the 20th century. Among the most well-known published so far in the professional literature are:
A)
Zillmann's (1980, 1996) theory of suspense enjoyment, where the author defined suspense as "an acute, fearful apprehension about deplorable events that threaten liked protagonists" (Zillmann, 1996, s. 208).
B)
Sensation seeking and arousal needs is a theory advocated by several authors (Lawrence – Palmgreen, 1996; Zuckerman, 1996). Zuckerman described this tendency as "seeking of varied, novel, complex, and intense sensations and experiences, and the willingness to take physical, social, legal, and financial risks for the sake of such experience" (1996, s. 27). In his view, individual differences in arousal seeking are determined by the level of activation of the cortex and the reticular formation of the brainstem. Individuals characterized by a high (i.e., desirable and satisfying) level of this activation also appreciate stimuli that arouse negative feelings, because any intense emotions allow them to achieve an optimal state of mental arousal. (Note: In this context it is interesting that these individuals perceive themselves as less "threatened" (less vulnerable) by negative phenomena presented, for example, in horror films or catastrophically oriented media (Franken – Gibson – Rowland, 1992). Scenes of destruction and "horror" have for them rather a "tinge of distraction and entertainment." Behavioral expert Kerr reminds that in mental tension, the human body generates "activation hormones" such as adrenaline, endorphins, dopamine (a phenomenon preceding the physiological fight-or-flight response), as a result of which a person begins to feel like a "superhero," because this type of arousal (in the absence of real life-threatening danger) reminds them of other types of high arousal states (in Ringo, 2013).
Lawrence and Palmgreen in research conducted in 1996 confirmed a direct proportionality between the sensation-seeking personality and preference for the horror genre,
C)
The desire for safe adventure is a function of the horror genre that partially overlaps with the previous point (especially regarding the need for arousal), but significantly involves the requirement of a safe environment (in which the experience of the emotion of fear takes place), that is, the awareness that no real danger threatens the reader,
D)
Empathetic response to characters (Tamborini, 1996), in other words the aforementioned narrative empathy, is another reason for the preference of the horror genre. Research by cognitive psychologists Mar and Oatley focused on the functioning of mirror neurons confirmed that "imagined settings and characters evoked by fiction literature likely engage the same areas of the brain as those used during the performance of parallel actions and perceptions" (Mar – Oatley, 2008, s. 180). Keen further found that "empathetic responses to fictional characters and situations occur more readily for negative emotions" (Keen, 2006, s. 214).
E)
Venting of aggressive tendencies is another significant preferential motivation. According to research by Hoffner and Levine (2005), there is a positive correlation between an individual's aggressive tendencies and pleasure when viewing scenes of violence (2005, s. 223). Fenigstein and Heyduk already in 1985 found that (naturally or currently) aggressively motivated persons (e.g., under the influence of fear or anger) show greater interest in scenes of violence than calm people.
According to Atkin, even persons with aggressive tendencies enjoy scenes that glorify destructive behavior, and experience considerable satisfaction when (real, literary, film) characters express opinions and feelings that are value-significant for them in this sense (1985, s. 76). He also found that aggressive individuals seek out scenes of violence also because it allows them to justify their own (aggressive) behavior, thereby feeling less guilty (Ibidem).
Several longitudinal studies have also demonstrated a link between more aggressive children and the selective seeking of violent stimuli (e.g., Huesmann – Moise-Titus – Podolski – Eron, 2003). (Note: Huesmann et al.'s research simultaneously confirmed the assumption that watching violent television programs in childhood results in higher levels of aggression in adulthood. Similarly, playing "violent video games" has a significantly negative impact on the development of children's psyche because: a) the player learns to associate violence with pleasure (thereby reducing their moral sensitivity), b) violent behavior is repeated multiple times, inevitably creating automatic reactions of the individual to a certain type of (life) situations, c) there is a risk of addiction, as the player is rewarded with each improvement (Ibidem).
Finally, research in neuroscience has also demonstrated reduced development of cognitive functions in persons exposed to violent scenes. The greater their experience with media containing violence (film, news, fiction), the lower the measured activation of brain regions related to thinking, learning, reasoning, or emotional control (Anderson et al., 2010).
F)
Conversion of negative affect into final euphoria due to the cessation of threat is related to Zillmann's excitation transfer theory. The pleasant feelings evoked by reading a suspenseful book (or watching a film) are the result of a combination of initial distress (dysphoric emotional reaction to the plot) and subsequent affective relief due to a "happy" ending of the story. According to this theory, the emotional arousal from the first phase should lead to a more intense experience of the second (positive) phase and create an emotionally very pleasant experience. (Analogously, if the ending of the story is negative, the primary tension from the first phase turns into final dysphoria.)
G)
From the perspective of the psychoanalytic (Freudian) approach, horror stories help "uncover the repressed elements, the infantile complexes or cultural repressions which are disguised like for example monsters. In this analysis horror stories are not really about monsters and ghosts at all; those are mere symbols or symptoms to be penetrated in order to deal with repressed material" (Clasen, 2010, s. 114). The (subconscious) need for "contact" with fear may be a consequence of repressing anxious concerns in virtually every person.
Carroll is convinced that "it is appropriate to use psychoanalysis in relation to the horror film because within our culture the horror genre is explicitly acknowledged as a vehicle for expressing psychoanalytically significant themes" (1981, s. 17). According to Carroll, "the fantastic beings of horror films can be seen as symbolic formations that organize conflicting themes into figures that are simultaneously attractive and repulsive. Two major symbolic structures appear most prominent in this regard: fusion, in which the conflicting themes are yoked together in one, spatio-temporally unified figure; and fission, in which the conflicting themes are distributed – over space or time – among more than one figure" (Carroll, 1981, s. 19).
H)
The need for contact with unconscious deep inner psychic structures – sources of fear, e.g., as a result of a previous nightmare experience, is another reason for seeking the horror genre. The mentioned type of dream experience (when someone/something threatens a person's life or directly murders them) is characterized by remarkable authenticity and credibility even when the "source of threat" takes the form of a "supernatural being" ("monster") in the dream, in whose existence the dreaming person does not believe at all while awake. On a subconscious level, however, every such experience leaves a "trace" in the human psyche, which may lead to an unconscious need to repeat the "frightening experience" and thus discover the meaning of the felt fear. (Similar deliberately sought opportunities for simulated life-threatening situations are for some people amusement park rides, extreme sports, traveling to "risky" countries, etc.)
Levinson in his 1997 study offers five further possible explanations for why horror readers voluntarily expose themselves to fear:
I)
Compensatory theory claims that negative emotions, despite their discomforting nature, bring us something that compensates for this negative aspect (e.g., in the sense of catharsis described already by Aristotle).
J)
According to conversion theory, negative emotions in the context of literary fiction are transformed into positive ones. For example, Hume's (1757) theory of tragedy assumes that if a tragic event is contextualized aesthetically, the prevailing emotional response of the reader (in terms of pleasantness and interest) focuses on the mise-en-scène (rather than the tragic event) as a key function of the general narrative structure of the work (Hume, 1757/2006, s. 180).
K) Proponents of the holistic (organicist) theory claim that negative emotions evoked by literary fiction form a significant (and inseparable) part of the "holistic (organic) experience" that the individual (subconsciously) craves and seeks.
L)
Revisionist theory is based on the assumption that negative emotions are not inherently unpleasant and undesirable, and therefore there is nothing unusual about a person positively appreciating them in a literary work.
M)
Finally, deflationary theory is based on the premise that, contrary to the general assumption, no negative emotions actually arise in people, and therefore none arise under the influence of literary works either.
N)
The theory of cosmic terror developed by Lovecraft (1920–1935) has a distinctly mythical character. According to its author, humanity is almost insignificant given the grandeur and order of the universe. People are like puppets. The "universe" behaves toward them arbitrarily, unpredictably, and often outright hostilely. It is mysterious, powerful, and incomprehensible – humans feel defenseless, helpless, and powerless before it, resulting in a subsequent feeling of "cosmic terror." The human mind as such is incapable of understanding life in its essence, and this can ultimately lead a person to despair, insanity, or even death.
O)
Evolutionary adaptation, for example in the form of developing "tactical" thinking, may be another motive for liking the horror genre. According to Fischoff and his colleagues, "like play, it allows us to rehearse possible threatening scenarios from a position of relative safety: 'Movie monsters provide us with the opportunity to see and learn strategies of coping with real-life monsters should we run into them, despite all probabilities to the contrary'" (Fischoff et al., 2005, s. 12).
P)
Stress reduction in the form of "escaping reality" (or escaping negative self-awareness) is achieved by immersing oneself in a suspenseful plot and shifting attention to other stimuli. The continuous alternation of different types of emotions (fear, hope, anxiety, joy) ultimately has a relaxing and regenerating effect on the organism. Zillmann and his colleagues already in 1986 found that for a large part of the male population, the horror atmosphere of (literary, film) fiction allows reducing distress from real-life situations.
Q)
Gaining control as a motivation for liking the horror genre is meant in the sense that many individuals diagnosed with generalized anxiety have stated that in moments of intense psycho-physical discomfort, it is precisely horror fiction that brings them relief. At that time, their entire attention is focused on the gripping plot, and they "forget" even their current fears. At the same time, such a redirection of attention allows them to gain control over fear (even if stemming from a surrogate source): "The genre allows us to voluntarily – and under controlled circumstances – get experience with negative emotion" (Clasen, 2012, s. 225). Another possible explanation for the therapeutic effect of horror fiction in anxious individuals (with a hyperactive amygdala) is the fact that the "original fear" has been replaced by an excited state of the organism (arousal) manifesting primarily as tension and excitement.
R)
Detection of potential threat is probably a rudimentary remnant of the original psyche of the hunter, warrior, community protector, and lineage maintainer. Despite the relatively safe living environment in the 21st century, humans have a tendency to subconsciously seek indicators of threat, which in modern times manifests mainly as a search for negativity, e.g., in the form of tragedies presented in television news, but also as a fondness for (book, television) genres that thematize threats to human life. In English, the term negativity bias is used to denote the tendency to seek and remember "bad news" at the expense of "good" ones. Another possible explanation for this phenomenon is the fact that, unlike "positive" events, "negative" ones are characterized by tragedy, irreversibility, permanent consequences, and significant changes in the sphere of the individual's mental (especially emotional) experience.
Focusing on negative information may, besides the reason of health protection and survival assurance, also be motivated by a certain feeling of relief that comes from the realization that "such a misfortune did not befall us." In the case of currently experienced distress, the feeling of relief may also result from the realization that our own situation is not actually "as bad" as we thought, and that other people "are much worse off."
S)
Fear as atavism. One evolutionary theory states that the need to feel fear is a developmental necessity for the human race. Thanks to fear as an indicator of danger, humanity could survive face to face with natural predators: "Among the earliest forms of human self-awareness was the awareness of being meat" (Quammen, 2004, s. 3). This "warning system" and the human ability to feel fear, however, are gradually losing their justification in the current – unusually safe – world. The popularity of the horror genre can in this sense be understood as a need for contact with this (in many respects) atavistic "mechanism." According to some evolutionists, horror "monsters" are a substitute (simulation) for the original natural predators.
T)
The socializing function of horror consists mainly in reinforcing gender roles (gender-role socialization, Zillmann – Weaver, 1996). Particularly regarding the watching of horror films, numerous studies have shown that male viewers seek out scenes of violence and the horror genre more and more often compared to female audiences. According to psychologists, this preferential tendency stems from socialized gender roles (e.g., Cantor, 1998; Oliver, 1994). Cantor even believes that young men display elements of aggressive thinking and behavior as a result of a learning process in which they were instructed by their surroundings that this is how the male gender role differs from the female one. Zillmann and Weaver (1996) support this view with the hypothesis that displays of fear in men are not socially tolerated, while in girls they are even encouraged in various ways. In the context of adolescent development, watching a horror film represents a situation where boys "can prove to their peers, and ultimately to themselves, that they are unperturbed, calm and collected in the face of terror" and girls can "demonstrate their sensitivity by being appropriately disturbed, dismayed and disgusted" (Zillmann – Weaver, 1996, s. 83). This simultaneously explains the habit of today's youth to choose watching horror films as a way of spending first romantic encounters. According to Zillmann and his colleagues, it fills boys with a sense of strength, power, and superiority. Girls, on the other hand, style themselves into the role of protégées relying on and trusting their male partner. (Note: "Teenage boys enjoyed a horror film significantly more when the female companion expressed fear, whereas teenage girls enjoyed the film more when the male companion showed a sense of mastery and control" (Zillmann – Weaver – Mundorf – Aust, 1986).)
Clinical psychologist Glen Walters (2004) from Kutztown University (also worked at the Federal Penitentiary in Minersville) offers a similar perspective on the preference for horror among teenagers. As with tattooing, according to him, it is about "training" (or a test) in managing fear and pain, during which the initiates learn to suppress discomforting feelings and not let themselves be overcome by fear, which can subsequently be beneficial for their adult life, or even in the case of confrontation at the level of physical strength: "They can either succumb (to frightening images) or learn to manage" (2004, s. 9).
U)
Belief in supernatural beings and forces will be the last reader motivation we mention in connection with the preference for the horror genre. The idea that "horror monsters" (vampires, zombies, ghosts, etc.) exist is for some people proof that besides the material, so-called "visible" world – with all its scientific evidence and technological achievements – there exists something else, a kind of "unexplored spiritual dimension" that transcends the boundaries of ordinary human thinking and perception. A fondness for mysterious and horror stories may also be, in a technically advanced and scientifically justified world, a kind of "refuge of (childhood) dreams, because these stories evoke in us the same feelings we experienced in childhood" (Hanák, 2010, s. 10).
Vampires as Psychological and Social Symbols
Due to length limitations (of the study), in the following subsection we will focus on a single category on which we will illustrate the theme set out by the title of the study – vampires. From our survey of 12 (domestic and foreign) internet discussion forums devoted to "vampire" topics (a total of 412 contributors), several psychologically relevant reasons for the preference of this genre emerged, which we will present primarily through the lens of the identification function of literature (Křivohlavý, 1987). At the same time, we will supplement them with existing scientific findings and hypotheses. (Note: For reasons of contributor anonymity and preserving the authenticity of their statements, we decided on a qualitative survey of the preference for "vampire stories." Since we proceed from the (projective) assumption that individual contributors express themselves in their posts primarily about subjectively relevant aspects of this topic, we will quantify our findings only indicatively – based on relative frequency of occurrence.)
The "vampire" theme of recent decades is specific in its combination of romantic and horror elements, with romantic ones prevailing. The vampire is no longer presented as an antagonist, but as a positively perceived (misunderstood by society) protagonist. In the readerly (or film) reception of the contemporary "vampire genre," therefore, it is not primarily about experiencing feelings of fear, terror, or hopelessness, but rather about seeking a "role model," a "place in society," or coping with the demands of physiological or psychological growth (maturation).
Apart from the cases of:
- a) clinical vampirism (Renfield syndrome associated with the need to drink blood – first one's own, later in adulthood animal and human blood as a manifestation of power and control),
- b) belief in the real existence of vampires, or belief in one's own vampire condition (on discussion forums about "vampire sagas" this type of motivation occurred the least),
- c) so-called "psychic vampirism" (perceived rather as a metaphor for an asymmetrical relationship between a sensitive, empathetic, but insufficiently assertive person on the one hand, and a manipulative, egoistically oriented person on the other),
- d) erythropoietic porphyria (an inherited metabolic disorder accompanied by a disorder of heme production, the patient regularly receives blood transfusions),
our case study is based mainly on the views of adolescent youth who, based on their perceived difference (compared to generally accepted ideals of appearance, thinking, or feeling), seek an identification model that would help them "overcome the pitfalls of growing up": "The vampire myth mainly explores themes of power, violence and romance that have direct relevance to the interpersonal world of adolescent girls" (Priester, 2008, s. 76).
First of all, this type of "monster" is preferred by individuals who, like their vampire idols, feel alienated, lonely, misunderstood (in a certain developmental phase, lifelong, or currently), so to speak "cursed"; individuals who mostly live solitary lives or are socially isolated, but at the same time perceive themselves, or desire to perceive themselves, as exceptional, self-sufficient, and independent (in thinking and materially) individuals. These are often "outsiders" living (voluntarily or involuntarily) on the margins of society. Vampires in literary stories are also often presented as socially excluded due to their "deviation" and persecuted for their "difference." In modern "vampire stories," their persistent "bloodthirsty" behavior tends to be explained or excused as "weakness of will," as a consequence of the inability to control instincts and "innate nature." In an effort toward "socialization and integration" with the human race, many of them renounce these tendencies and adopt the norms of human ethical behavior. The adolescent, like the vampire, also finds himself on the border of two worlds – childhood and adulthood, or moves in both. He is likewise punished for expressing or realizing a divergent lifestyle, for different opinions and actions inconsistent (or even in opposition) with the established way of life of the adult population. This type of reader motivation is primarily associated with the need to be – in one's difference – socially accepted and recognized.
Despite their markedly individualistic nature, vampires live in groups – clans, where a strict hierarchy prevails based on the degree of acquired supernatural abilities (traits) and experience with life among humans. It seems that this type of "social structure" is particularly attractive to adolescents, because it allows them to maintain their individuality while being part of a system in which social bonds and the roles of individual members are clearly defined, and the natural authority of the "leader" is respected by all.
Another significant parallel between adolescents and "vampires" is the way of emotional experience – outwardly they appear reserved, or even indifferent, but inwardly they experience intense feelings. However, they are reluctant to show these to their surroundings for fear of "vulnerability." Their "inner life" is as much a mystery to others (and often to themselves) as the existence of "vampires" is shrouded in mystery. Through personal maturation, they gradually find the "right" (in the sense of suitable) balance between reserve and openness – they learn whom and under what circumstances it is "safe" for them to trust.
Also from the perspective of physical appearance, many teenagers perceive themselves (temporarily) as "monsters" during intense biological growth. Compared to their previous childhood figure, nor compared to the appearance of adults, many of them find no acceptable "justification" for their looks (in their minds). Unlike "young vampires," however, they consider themselves "powerless monsters" unable to defend themselves against the "formative" pressure of their surroundings, and not infrequently they begin to fantasize about supernatural strength.
Indeed, vampires are also admired for their physical and mental strength – their fangs remind people of wild animals (lions, sharks) that instill fear, or at least respect, in enemies. (Note: In this context, we note that our survey (of preference for the "vampire" genre) also showed that what attracts young women especially to fictional vampire characters is the idea that in case of physical threat – to themselves or their offspring – these strong beings, strong men, would be able to safely protect them thanks to their supernatural strength.) Bared teeth are also a sign of (defensive or offensive) aggression, that is, in a transferred sense, the ability to maintain existence even face to face with a life-threatening situation (hunger, enemy, etc.). Bared teeth can also refer to animal tendencies in the behavior of civilized humans (killing animals, eating raw meat, etc.) (Note: From a psychoanalytic perspective, a vampire's bite can be compared to the penetration of a virgin – based on symptoms such as "locality" of the injury, "violence" of the act, presence of blood, beginning of a "new life," etc.) The vampire as a form of "predator" can symbolize the primary human "nature" at the beginning of evolution, but in a transferred sense it can also be understood as a return to "instincts," to an authentic, natural way of life without civilizational constraints.
From a certain perspective, it could be said that vampires are selfish and primarily care only about their own needs (survival). On a symbolic level, they represent individuals who use others to achieve their own goals – even at the cost of "possible casualties." They are prepared to deny another person the right to existence just to satisfy their own needs. They symbolize individuals who arbitrarily prioritize their own needs over those of others – for a vampire to "survive" he must consciously "take the life" of another (human) being, whose existence he does not consider as important as his own (Foster, 2003, s. 15). This egoism, however, is often perceived by readers as a form of freedom and rebellion against social rules and morality, which is another frequent reason for the popularity of "vampire stories." (Note: It follows from the above that vampire stories are sought out both by individuals who behave in the manner just described, and by individuals who find themselves in a family (or partner, work, social, economic) situation perceived from the perspective of the "victim." In this sense, vampire stories are especially preferred by a personality that cannot defend itself against the pressures and demands of the environment, which it perceives as subjectively or objectively unjustified. It either succumbs to helplessness or fantasizes about acquiring supernatural strength. Another reader motivation is therefore the need for a safe living environment that fulfills basic survival needs.)
The vampire in itself can also symbolize an internally torn personality "tossed" between the opposites of (instinctive) needs and desires on the one hand, and a moral code (or conscience), respect for life and the needs of other people on the other. The mentioned psychological imbalance can also be associated with the fear of fully manifesting one's "strength," of behaving authentically.
Vampires usually also possess supernatural abilities – they can read minds, suggest their thoughts to others, teleport, cast spells, etc. These specific gifts can in a transferred sense be perceived as a manifestation of (mental) strength without the usual external signs (muscles, weapons, imposing figure). These "vampire traits" are especially liked by (competitive) boys, who both desire to surpass their peers and stand out above them, and try to attract potential female partners (and "eliminate competitors").
Vampires are immortal (or rather undead) and thanks to blood intake they can physically regenerate. This characteristic is supposedly associated with the myth of "eternal youth" and the desire to see how the world will change in the future. They are a kind of prototype of "survivalists" (originally a person expecting the collapse of society and taking steps to ensure survival in the resulting unpredictable situation), because they have overcome natural disasters, historical upheavals, and persecution. The aspect of "preserving eternal beauty" was highlighted on vampire characters mainly by female readers, the aspect of "eternal life" to a comparable extent by both men and women. (Note: Vampires, like other "immortal" monsters, can in this sense symbolize the human fear of death and man's inability to prevent it, to avert the threat or extinction of his existence. In a transferred sense, they can also represent a kind of "fate" that "holds us in its hands.")
The special appeal of vampires for female audiences is explained by some evolutionary psychologists with the theory that from the perspective of material security for a wife, or her offspring, men of advanced age are more attractive to women, having accumulated sufficient material resources (but also experience, life wisdom, perspective, etc.) during their previous life (in the case of vampires, hundreds of years) compared to young men without wealth (Clasen, 2012).
In modern "vampire sagas," vampires are portrayed as sensitive and passionate "men" of attractive appearance, with great charisma and polished manners, promising women "eternal love," or in this case "love beyond the grave," an idea that appeals extraordinarily to women's emotional needs. According to "vampire rules," the newly created vampire is controlled by its creator to serve him. Similarly, an adolescent girl in her first romantic relationship is (voluntarily) "controlled." And like the new vampire, she gradually develops and becomes independent from her "master." Over time, the adolescent finds a balance between her own and her partner's needs. She enters into relationships while maintaining authenticity and "her own strength." (Note: On the other hand, the vampire submits to the woman by renouncing his "bloodthirsty nature" in the name of love. This evokes in women the appealing idea that this "fearsome untamable force" submits precisely to their beauty and love, thereby in a certain way they retroactively gain power over it.)
As for "physical love," some psychoanalysts believe that the vampire figure is (on a metaphorical level) associated with sexual deviation, that it symbolizes sex and sexual fantasies transgressing the boundaries of traditional social norms (Kenrick, 2016). Indeed, our female readers (discussion contributors) also often described a desire for boundless and passionate love, for complete surrender to an "exceptional" man who would "in return" grant them immortality, and with whom they would permanently experience an "exceptional relationship" not subject to any earthly (meaning also moral) limitations. (Note: Since female sexuality is naturally associated with blood, the appeal of "vampire themes" for women might not surprise us at all. In both cases, women lose life-giving blood and simultaneously experience intense emotions.) The desire for intimate contact with a vampire (originally perceived as a life-threatening being) may also be a manifestation of a subconscious desire for self-destruction and self-harm (which is relatively frequent in adolescence).
Conclusion
In addition to the obvious projective-diagnostic potential of interpreting the preference for "vampire stories," the autonomous selection of this type of fiction primarily involves the identification function (the protagonist is usually portrayed as an "admirable outsider"), further the function of a "mirror," and partly also the motivational function of literature (see classification according to Křivohlavý, 1987). The adolescent age in particular is characterized by radical physiological changes, psychological processes and states that the adolescent must face, e.g., emotional instability, impulsivity in action, lack of self-control, self-doubt, loss of past certainties, hypercriticism, idealism, self-referentiality, one-sided perspective of the world, etc. This is often met with misunderstanding in their living environment, and therefore they seek alternative sources of satisfaction for their emotional, cognitive, and social needs. If they do not find them in the real world, they escape to fantasy ideas of an ideal world, which are provided to them, for example, by religion, science, or art. Particularly fiction can effectively illustrate real life situations and also clarify the motives of human behavior. It helps the (disoriented) adolescent cope with many developmental tasks such as autoidentification and self-acceptance, formation of a worldview and value system, acceptance of social norms, creation of social bonds, finding a source of self-confidence, establishing intimate relationships, searching for a model of behavior, meaning of life, etc.
In the adult population, the fondness for "vampire themes" is rather a manifestation of a persistent rejection of the existing social order, or even the entire "arrangement of the world" perceived as unjust, or as "insufficient" with respect to their specific needs and desires. (Note: The setting and time of the plot of "vampire stories" are usually presented by the author either as a utopia or a dystopia.)
Finally, in bibliotherapeutic practice, vampire stories can also be used in reflecting on a wide range of existential and humanistic themes: What is the meaning of human life? How does a person cope with violence in the world? How does one cope with one's own transience? What is the "price" of human life? What attitude to take toward vegetarianism? (The vampire who, in the name of moral values, "renounces his animal nature" and stops killing people.) How to protect oneself from drug addiction? ("Drug use has to be invited into your life just like a vampire. When it has been invited into your life, it causes destruction and pain, is difficult to send away, and is lethal" (Priester, 2008, s. 71).)
Author: Pavol Štubňa, Mgr. PhD. The author is an assistant professor at the department. In recent years, the focus of his scientific interest has been the intersection of literary studies and cognitive psychology in the form of an interdisciplinary direction called psychology of literature. Using theoretical models as well as experimentally oriented research, he examines analogies between the principles of narrative psychology, narrative psychotherapy, bibliotherapy, and the structural-content components of literary texts. Continued in the second part of the article: Horror Genre from the Perspective of Psychology of Literature (Part II) List of References
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