Introduction and Theoretical Framework

Unemployment is a complex phenomenon that can be understood not only as an economic absence of work, but also as a psychosocial process that affects an individual's identity, self-worth, and social functioning. Work provides a person not only with income, but also with daily structure, social contacts, a sense of efficacy, status, and collective goals that are key to mental health and subjective well-being.

This paper addresses a current and relatively underexplored issue – the loss of work identity as a significant psychosocial consequence of unemployment. This perspective extends the traditional understanding of unemployment, which often focuses solely on economic aspects, and emphasizes the psychosocial consequences that affect individuals' daily lives. Work identity is understood in this text as part of an individual's self-concept, which is shaped through work roles, performed activities, professional competencies, and societal recognition linked to work.

It answers questions such as "Who am I in my working life?" and "What value does my work have for me and for society?"

It is important to distinguish it from related concepts.

Professional identity is more closely tied to a specific profession and encompasses the values, norms, and motivations through which an individual defines themselves in their professional role (Ibarra, 1999).

Social identity derives from belonging to social groups and is shaped by processes of social categorization and comparison (Tajfel & Turner, 2001).

Personal identity represents a broader framework of self-concept that includes personal values, life goals, and continuity of self (Sveningsson & Alvesson, 2003). Work identity, as a specific dimension of identity, emerges at the intersection of individual self-concept and work roles within organizational and societal contexts (Ashforth & Mael, 1989)."

This perspective was further developed by the author Marie Jahoda (1982) in her work on the psychosocial consequences of unemployment, where she points out that the loss of work means the deprivation of latent functions of work – daily structure, social contacts, and a sense of efficacy – which manifests as increased psychological distress and disrupted work and social identity.

Empirical studies confirm the relationship between unemployment and deteriorated mental health. Paul and Moser (2009) in their studies found that unemployment is associated with higher levels of psychological distress, anxiety, and depressive symptoms compared to employed individuals, and that reemployment mitigates these negative effects.

Beyond psychological distress, unemployment can also lead to social isolation and reduced quality of social relationships, because the loss of a work collective means the loss of important social contacts. A study published in the Journal of Happiness Studies (2025) indicates that unemployment can increase feelings of loneliness and reduce overall life satisfaction, which further deepens the psychosocial consequences of lost work identity.

In the Slovak context, the issue of unemployment and its consequences is addressed, for example, by the author Denisa Selická. Selická (2015) in her publication Unemployment and Its Impact on Lifestyle describes how unemployed people experience daily life, why they lost their jobs, and what impact unemployment had on their personal and social lives.

Methodology

The study was conducted using a qualitative methodology with the aim of gaining a deeper understanding of the psychosocial consequences of unemployment and the processes of work identity reconstruction. Data analysis was based on the principles of grounded theory, which enables the generation of theoretical concepts directly from empirical data.

Sample Selection and Recruitment

The research was conducted with ten participants, with the sample comprising six unemployed participants (aged 29–52) and four professional participants with professional experience in the field of employment and career counseling. Participants were selected through purposive sampling, with the aim of ensuring diversity of perspectives and enabling in-depth exploration of psychosocial mechanisms related to the loss of work identity.

Prior to inclusion in the study, pilot interviews were conducted with the unemployed participants. The pilot interviews served to verify the comprehensibility of questions and participants' readiness to reflect on their experiences. Their description in the text is reduced to the necessary methodological minimum. The expert participants were selected based on demonstrated professional competencies and experience in supporting unemployed individuals. This selection enabled the combination of subjective perspectives of unemployed individuals with the expert viewpoint of practitioners. Several experts were approached, but only four expressed interest in participating.

This approach creates a triangulated view of work self-reconstruction and enriches the interpretation of the collected data. During data analysis, saturation was achieved, suggesting that further interviews would not yield substantially new information on the examined topics. To increase the comprehensiveness of future studies, it would be appropriate to consider expanding the age range and professional backgrounds of participants, which would allow capturing a broader spectrum of experiences and perspectives.

All participants were fully informed about the research objectives, anonymity, the right to withdraw, and data processing procedures. The research was conducted in accordance with personal data protection and ethical research guidelines. The author works in the field of employment, which allows her deeper understanding of the phenomenon under study, but also requires a reflexive approach to data interpretation. During analysis, emphasis was placed on separating the experiences of employed experts from the accounts of unemployed participants and on preserving their authentic meaning.

Table 1 presents basic demographic data, group assignment, and relevant research notes. This way it is possible to obtain an overview of the diversity of the sample and the context of the collected data.

Table 1 Overview of Participants

Data Collection

Data were collected through semi-structured individual interviews, which allowed participants to reflect in depth on their personal experiences, attitudes, and perceptions of the psychosocial consequences of unemployment. The interviews were conducted in person or online, according to participants' preferences, and lasted an average of 60 to 90 minutes, providing sufficient time for detailed sharing of subjective experiences and specific life situations. All interviews were audio-recorded and subsequently transcribed verbatim to ensure data accuracy and enable detailed qualitative analysis.

Prior to the actual interview, pilot interviews were conducted with unemployed participants, the purpose of which was to verify willingness, ability to discuss openly, and readiness to reflectively share their own psychosocial experiences, as well as to identify potential ambiguities in the questions. The employed participants were selected based on demonstrated professional competencies and experience in supporting unemployed individuals, thereby ensuring a combination of authentic subjective perspectives of unemployed participants with expert insight from employed professionals. This approach enabled data triangulation, consideration of different perspectives, and provided a more comprehensive view of the processes of loss and reconstruction of work identity.

Data Analysis

A three-stage coding process was used to process the data:

  1. Open coding – identification and categorization of significant statements from participants.
  2. Axial coding – connecting categories and finding relationships between them.
  3. Selective coding – creation of a paradigmatic model of work self-reconstruction that integrates psychosocial mechanisms and adaptive strategies.

The analysis proceeded in an iterative manner, with the individual coding phases overlapping and being continuously compared in order to gain a deeper understanding of the phenomena under study. The emphasis was on identifying processes that shape the subjective experience of unemployment and influence individuals' return to the labor market. The resulting model captures the interplay of individual resources, social context, and perception of work identity from the participants' perspective.

Open Coding

In the first coding phase, all significant phenomena in the data were identified. The goal was to capture participants' verbatim statements and group them thematically. The result of the analysis was the identification of 24 open codes that reflected the emotional, social, and behavioral aspects of job loss. Table 2 presents a selection of the most representative open codes along with illustrative participant quotes.

Table 2 Open Coding

Axial Coding

In the second phase of data analysis, known as axial coding, the open codes were linked into conceptual categories to examine the relationships between the causes and consequences of the identified phenomena. This step allows not only identification of which psychosocial factors are related to the loss of work identity, but also how these factors interact with each other and influence participants' adaptive strategies. Focusing on cause → consequence relationships provides a systematic framework for data interpretation and connecting them with existing theories of psychosocial functioning, such as the latent functions of work or recognition theory. Table 3 presents the main categories of axial coding, with each code linked to a causal mechanism and relevant theory.

Table 3 Axial Coding

The data analysis shows that individual psychosocial factors are closely interconnected and often mutually influence each other. Loss of work role or identity leads to decreased self-esteem, shame and stigmatization support social withdrawal, and at the same time reduced self-worth diminishes motivation to seek employment. Conversely, interaction with professionals in the field, including mentoring and career counseling, acts as an intervention factor that supports adaptive strategies and partially compensates for the negative psychosocial consequences of unemployment. This systematic overview makes it possible to understand the complexity of psychosocial mechanisms and provides a theoretical framework for further selective coding and the creation of a paradigmatic model of work identity reconstruction.

Selective Coding and Paradigmatic Model

After completing axial coding, which linked open codes into conceptual categories, the third level of analysis follows – selective coding. In this phase, central categories are identified and a paradigmatic model is constructed that integrates all previous findings. The main task of selective coding is to unify the various psychosocial mechanisms, cause–consequence relationships, and adaptive strategies into a coherent framework that explains how participants reconstruct their work identity after job loss. The central category, derived from data analysis, is defined as "Disruption of work self and its reconstruction."

Table 4 presents the results of selective coding and displays the individual components of the paradigmatic model, including causal and intervening conditions, adaptive strategies, and subsequent consequences for participants.

Table 4 Selective Coding

The data processing results indicate that work self-reconstruction is a dynamic process that involves interaction between the psychosocial consequences of unemployment and support provided by professionals. The adaptive strategies identified in the research included primarily active seeking of support, engagement in mentoring and counseling, development of new competencies, reassessment of career goals, and strengthening of personal efficacy. Mentoring and social support acted as key mechanisms that enabled the restoration of self-esteem and work identity. The paradigmatic model therefore provides a theoretical framework for understanding how participants overcome the negative effects of job loss and how psychosocial intervention can be purposefully applied to support the return to working life.

Discussion

The study results confirm that the loss of work identity has significant psychosocial consequences, manifesting as disruption of daily structure, decreased self-esteem, feelings of shame, social isolation, and reduced motivation to return to employment. These findings are consistent with the theory of latent functions of work (Jahoda, 1982), which emphasizes that work provides not only economic income, but also daily structure, social contacts, and a sense of efficacy, and that its loss leads to significant psychosocial stress. Our results extend the concept of latent functions of work by highlighting the significance of psychosocial support from professionals in work self-reconstruction. The analysis showed that professional interventions, including mentoring, career counseling, and the provision of social support, significantly contribute to the development of adaptive strategies and the reconstruction of participants' work identity. This aspect points to the importance of a triangulated approach, where the combination of subjective experiences of unemployed individuals and expert insight from employed professionals enables more effective planning of psychosocial interventions.

Comparison with international studies shows that the psychosocial impacts of unemployment are consistent across cultures, with research highlighting increased risk of depression, anxiety, and reduced subjective well-being among unemployed individuals (Paul & Moser, 2009; Modini et al., 2016; Cruwys et al., 2013). Regional specifics, such as differences between urban and rural settings or historical and cultural norms of post-communist countries, may influence the intensity of stigma and availability of social support, thereby modifying participants' psychosocial burden.

From a practical perspective, the study results suggest the need for integrated interventions that would include:

  1. Expanding mentoring programs for unemployed individuals, with a focus on work identity restoration and strengthening self-esteem.
  2. Integrating career counseling into active labor market measures and follow-up support mechanisms, so as to address the psychosocial needs of individuals and support reintegration into employment.
  3. Psychosocial interventions, such as individual and group counseling conversations, mentoring, self-reflection support, and work with work identity, which support adaptive coping strategies and mitigate the emotional burden associated with job loss.
  4. Adaptive recommendations based on duration of unemployment, reflecting the different needs of short-term and long-term unemployed individuals.
  5. Recommendations for HR departments, employment offices, and mentoring programs to ensure systematic support and the development of adaptive strategies, such as strengthening self-esteem and self-efficacy, active work with work identity, development of career goals, utilization of social support, and engagement in mentoring and counseling activities.

Although the sample is not statistically representative, we observed certain nuances according to participants' age, gender, and duration of unemployment. For example, younger participants often reported a stronger motivation for a quick return to work, while older participants more frequently experienced frustration and the need for comprehensive psychosocial support. Women and men differed primarily in their experience of shame and social isolation, suggesting that a personalized approach in mentoring and interventions may be beneficial.

However, when interpreting the results, it is also necessary to reflect on the limitations of the study. Given the qualitative nature of the research and the sample size (10 participants), it is not possible to generalize the findings to the entire population of unemployed individuals. The results are typologically representative for the studied group, but may differ across other age categories, professional groups, or cultural contexts. Although data saturation was achieved, a broader spectrum of participants could bring new perspectives and enrich the model of work self-reconstruction. Future research should therefore consider larger samples, longitudinal tracking of participants, and an expanded geographic or cultural context to enable a deeper understanding of the dynamics of adaptation and return to the labor market.

These implications support the importance of a psychosocial approach to unemployed individuals, which goes beyond the scope of economic or administrative interventions and emphasizes the significance of individualized approaches and continuity of social support.

Conclusion

The study confirms that the loss of work identity represents a significant psychosocial consequence of unemployment, affecting self-esteem, the structure of daily life, social relationships, and motivation to return to work. Through qualitative research based on semi-structured interviews and three-stage coding, key mechanisms of adaptation and work identity reconstruction were identified.

The paradigmatic model created highlights the significance of the interaction between the subjective experiences of unemployed individuals and professional support – such as mentoring, career counseling, and social work – in restoring work identity and strengthening work motivation. The findings suggest that labor market policies should systematically address the psychosocial dimension of unemployment alongside economic measures, including support for personal efficacy and societal recognition.

The study contributes to theoretical development by offering an empirically grounded framework for understanding the dynamics of work identity reconstruction. Future research should focus on longitudinal tracking of intervention effects and a broader spectrum of participants. To increase the comprehensiveness of future studies, it would be appropriate to consider expanding the age range and professional backgrounds of participants, which would allow capturing a broader spectrum of experiences and perspectives.

Author: PhDr. Daniela Lorko Praznovská The author works as a job placement agent at the Office of Labor, Social Affairs and Family, and also lectures for seniors at the University of the Third Age. She has long been interested in labor market issues, career counseling, and the motivation of unemployed individuals. She has several years of experience working directly with clients in the field of employment and collaborating with employers. She closely monitors trends and changes in the labor market, which enables her to effectively connect theory with practice.

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