Intergenerational learning as a form of aggressive behaviour
Introduction
If we consider the process of human learning to be never-ending, we can say without hesitation that it is precisely the family environment that represents the place where we have learned many things, are still learning, and will continue to learn. For this very reason, the educational process in the family holds a privileged position among other forms and methods of learning. At the same time, it serves as the foundation for (self-)education in other contexts and situations.
Intergenerational learning in the family is considered lifelong informal education, and individual members of the family community can function both as educators and as learners. This type of learning encompasses all phenomena and processes that facilitate the bidirectional transfer of knowledge, experience, and attitudes within the family. This learning thus takes place in specific situations of family life, in the interactions and joint activities of all involved generations (children, parents, grandparents). It takes on various forms, which are primarily centred on shared family activities that offer learning opportunities for all members. Through these everyday activities — such as walks, family outings, joint meal preparation and dining together, gardening, visits to cultural and sporting events, discussions and conversation on various topics — children, i.e. grandchildren, acquire competencies for everyday life while simultaneously having their scientific and technological knowledge supported (Rabušicová, M. et al., 2011). Learning within the family context, occurring between different age generations, does not derive from specific curricula or plans but often happens by chance, unintentionally, unconsciously, and remains unthematized. In many cases, it relies on forms of imitation and on the knowledge and experience of older-generation members, who transmit them to children and young or middle-generation individuals. Within intergenerational educational activities, various types of learning are employed (sensorimotor, verbal-cognitive, social); however, in intergenerational learning within the family environment, social learning clearly predominates (which is precisely why it can be regarded as a preventive tool with respect to socio-pathological phenomena).
There are no comprehensive (quantitative or qualitative) studies on intergenerational learning between grandparents and grandchildren, and in our country they are entirely absent. Grandparents today are becoming a significant pillar and figure in the education of grandchildren and are increasingly active participants in this process. Their presence in the family circle is indispensable and irreplaceable in the upbringing and education of the youngest members (Sanz Ponce, R., Mula Benavent, J. M., Moril Valle, R., 2011). Observing the changes in family structure and the model of family life prevalent today, it is important to recall and highlight the importance of the role and function that grandparents fulfil in the learning and initial socialisation of the child within the family. Likewise, as we perceive the gradual development of the concept and contemporary reality of seniors, we must strive — by connecting these realities — to restore the role of the grandparent as a highly useful and beneficial tool that contributes to the child's growth as a person and to their education and upbringing within the context of intergenerational relationships (Atanes, M. P., 2002).
1.1 Intergenerational education as a preventive tool against aggressive behaviour
Aggression and aggressive behaviour nowadays constitute one of the most frequent negative social deviations; they are a complex, multicausal phenomenon and have become a problem on a global scale. Among primary school pupils, we encounter a wide spectrum of problematic behaviour, and what has become a particularly serious problem, as pointed out by numerous experts, is precisely this type of behaviour that children exhibit towards each other, but which — unfortunately — is increasingly directed at parents, teachers, and educators. Our analysis draws on research focused on the socio-pathological problems of youth in the Slovak Republic, which was conducted at primary and secondary schools across the entire country. Among the most frequently encountered socio-pathological phenomena that teachers observe in their pupils are smoking, truancy, alcohol consumption, bullying, and aggressive behaviour, as well as the use of illegal drugs (Pétiová, M., 2015; Emmerová, I., 2011; Böhmová, P., 2011). At primary schools, truancy remains the most common disorder, but it is immediately followed by aggression and violence. Therefore, the greatest attention in the area of preventive measures is devoted by experts to the prevention of aggression and violence (64%) (Böhmová, P., 2011).
Višňovský (2011, in: Kraus, B., 2014) presented in his publication the opinion that the best prevention of socially deviant behaviour is a well-functioning family with clearly established norms and rules of mutual coexistence — a family in which parents have time for their children, serve as role models and models of conduct, and where love, understanding, tolerance, respect, and esteem are the attributes that determine everyday family practice and life. The family is therefore a significant preventive and protective factor against the occurrence of socio-pathological phenomena in children and adolescents, but equally a dominant risk factor for problematic behaviour (Hroncová, J. et al., 2015). This also presupposes that society itself will recognise the family as the fundamental socialising and educational element and create the conditions necessary for its optimal functioning. However, the question remains: Is the contemporary family such a family that meets the aforementioned criteria?
It is precisely for these above-mentioned reasons that we increasingly perceive the importance of intergenerational education within the family environment between grandparents and grandchildren as an effective preventive tool with respect to the occurrence of aggressive behaviour in children. In the following section, we enumerate some positive aspects of intergenerational exchange. From intergenerational programmes implemented in various countries, it is evident that positive contributions undoubtedly include the reduction of children's and adolescents' participation in diverse socio-pathological phenomena:
- seniors become a source of support for younger people during times of difficulty and problems, and there is less involvement of them in aggressive, asocial, and antisocial acts (Sanchéz Martínez, M. et al., 2010),
- the younger generation changes its attitudes towards older people, and their mutual relationships improve,
- an increased sense of social responsibility and engagement in various leisure activities in collaboration with seniors, which simultaneously serves as prevention against drug dependency and antisocial behaviour (Sanchéz Martínez, M. et al., 2010),
- the ability to learn is developed in both generations; it promotes social integration and reduces social segregation (García Mínguez, J., Bedmar Moreno, M., 2002),
- an increased sense of personal worth and self-confidence (Sanchéz Martínez, M. et al., 2010),
- better school attendance, improved academic results, a lower likelihood of socio-pathological conduct (Rabušicová, M. et al., 2011),
- an escape from loneliness and isolation, reintegration into families and society, the formation of new friendships; enhanced self-esteem and motivational factors; the development primarily of social skills (Sanchéz Martínez, M. et al., 2010).
We know that aggression is a complex, multicausally conditioned phenomenon with both positive and negative aspects, and manifestations of aggression can reflect the psychosocial development of its bearer, the current life situation in which they find themselves, or the constellation of personality dispositions and cognitive strategies. The causes can therefore be biological (innate) or social (acquired). Acquired dispositions are particularly related to the level of social learning (Fischer, S., Škoda, J., 2014; Emmerová, I., 2014), which primarily takes place within the family. Therefore, it is extremely important in matters of prevention to focus particularly on the social environments in which the child moves and which primarily shape their attitudes, opinions, and instil values that subsequently are reflected in their conduct and behaviour towards others. The first position in this regard is undoubtedly held by the family, where the child learns to create relationships with themselves, with others, and with society, develops their abilities, internalises norms, and learns empathy, tolerance, respect, and understanding of the people around them. It is precisely within the family community that the child acquires their fundamental scale of life values, and the foundations for their future behaviour outside this institution are established (Koťa, J., 2015).
2 Research methodology
The aim of our research was to ascertain and explain what role learning within the family environment between grandparents and grandchildren plays in the context of preventing aggressive behaviour of various symptomatology in grandchildren. The research sample group, for which we employed the case study method, comprised grandparents and their grandchildren from five families we had selected. Through this method, we sought to elucidate, analyse, and describe in detail the content and essence of intergenerational learning (between grandparents and grandchildren) in specific families, while simultaneously examining the relationship between this learning and the occurrence of aggressive behaviour in the grandchildren. The selection was a purposive, convenience sample, carried out on the basis of contacts we had acquired through our community work. The selection criteria were the following typical characteristics: a multi-generational family living in one household or in separate households; the grandparent generation must include at least one member; it must be a family in which the child or children can be classified into the "at-risk category" according to Vašek's (2006) understanding: into this group we include children and adolescents who are permanently exposed to adverse social, ecological, educational, or other influences. If the conditions are not remedied, disruption may occur in the area of their psychological, somatic, or social integrity, and they may respond to the experienced situation with behavioural disorders and other inadequate reactions and attitudes (in our case, we have in mind aggressive behaviour as one of the forms of behavioural disorders). The aforementioned research procedure is particularly suitable in newly emerging thematic areas, among which intergenerational learning certainly belongs. We selected this type of research in order to be able to describe and understand intergenerational relationships and intergenerational learning in their full breadth and depth, along with the associated presence of a socio-pathological phenomenon (specifically aggressive behaviour) in the selected families. We classified our case study as descriptive-explanatory. To supplement the data, we also employed the semi-structured interview method, conducting interviews within the family with the target groups of grandparents and children, where emphasis was placed on mapping the educational strategy within the family and its connections to the family situation in which the child is at risk and may become a bearer of aggressive behaviour, adopting inappropriate patterns of conduct and behaviour.
2.1 Partial research findings
As the basis for developing the individual case studies — five in total (we present one in this article) — we utilised data about the family obtained from our personal contacts with its members within the framework of the help and support we provide through community work, and we also drew on data acquired through semi-structured interviews. We conducted these interviews with a grandchild from an at-risk family (Vašek, Š., 2006) or, according to Helus (2015), from a problem-burdened family, and their grandparent, whom we knew and who was willing to answer the posed questions. These interviews were primarily focused on ascertaining the course, content, type, direction, and level of intergenerational learning in the family between grandparents and grandchildren; however, our aim was also to determine the quality of relationships between the two generations, the roles that grandparents fulfil in the upbringing of grandchildren and how these change depending on the grandchildren's age, types of educators in the context of intergenerational education, etc. All interviews were recorded on a voice recorder with the consent of all respondents. The audio recordings of the responses were subsequently transcribed verbatim into data files.
2.1.1 Basic information
The active participants in our research, who expressed willingness to engage and provide valuable information and data in the interview, offering deeper insight into the content and course of intergenerational learning in the family between grandparents and grandchildren, are ten-year-old Daniela and her grandmother Otília. The granddaughter lives with her unmarried mother and grandmother (on the mother's side) in one household in a flat; she attends the fourth grade of primary school, where she achieves excellent results particularly in mathematics (she also won the well-known mathematics competition Klokan), but the subject that is problematic for her is primarily the Slovak language. Our youngest respondent has, according to the opinion of her class teacher — who is also a special education teacher — learning disabilities (dyslexia, dysgraphia, and dysorthography). However, due to fear and a negative experience with psychological assessment, the child refuses to undergo special-education assessment, the results of which would enable individualised attention from her school's special education teacher. Through an informal conversation with the class teacher, we learned that she is trying to take steps in this direction so that more effective help can be provided to Daniela.
2.1.2 Risk from the family environment
As we stated in the introduction, Daniela is the daughter of an unmarried mother who essentially does not care for her daughter, and all maternal duties have fallen to the grandmother. Drawing on professional sources (Bakošová, Z., 2005; Helus, Z., 2015), we can immediately identify two risk factors in this family that may trigger aggressive behaviour in Daniela, which — according to the class teacher's testimony — is already present in certain situations. However, more important from the perspective of our investigation is the teacher's statement that Daniela is making significant progress in behaviour and that, thanks to the grandmother's efforts — who continually devotes herself to her and strives to substitute the upbringing provided by both parents — the manifestations of her aggressive behaviour are decreasing in both intensity and frequency. The initially serious problems the granddaughter had with her classmates have been resolved, and a friendly atmosphere prevails in the classroom. The risk factors present in this family are as follows:
- Child born to an immature mother:
Daniela's mother is essentially still a child herself in terms of adult maturity. She is unable to assume the social role of a mother with all its obligations; she herself behaves towards her own mother like a child who still needs help and care disproportionate to her age. She has completed secondary education, works as a sales assistant, but devotes her free time to herself, her hobbies, and her peer group, leaving the care of her child entirely to the grandmother, who assumes parental responsibility. She not only looks after Daniela in every respect but also attends parent-teacher meetings. The mother herself reacts towards her own child with great irritation and nervousness; they frequently quarrel... A very apt picture that illustrates this type of family, or this type of mother, can be found in Helus's (2015) publication: immaturity in the area of life orientation, life values, or lifestyle (parents have problems with themselves, with their emotional outbursts, with unclear life plans, with fluctuating moods, with an unrealistic approach to obligations; they are more accustomed to being cared for than to caring for someone helpless and defenceless; this introduces instability and improvisation into child care, which is later reflected in the child's character traits), immaturity in the area of experience (they are unable to empathise with the child, treating the child as similar to themselves), immaturity in the area of emotions (they easily succumb to emotional fluctuations, react affectively; they are unable to surround the child with a calm atmosphere of lasting well-being and tenderness). - Child born out of wedlock: The reason Daniela is growing up with only her mother and without her father is his alcoholism, due to which the mother refused to marry him. At the same time, however, the father has a completely rejecting attitude towards his daughter. When he encounters her together with the grandmother, he greets Otília and converses with her, but completely ignores Daniela, does not address her, and behaves as though he does not know her at all. Daniela is very much aware of this. During the interview, she also showed a photograph in which her father is holding her, and when asked who it was, she hesitated for a long time and only after reflection identified her father, explaining that she too has no interest in him. The paradox is that Daniela's father asks precisely the grandmother Otília (and not his own parents) for help, to arrange some kind of treatment facility for his alcoholism. Once again, this case confirms the theory described by Bakošová (2005) regarding the consequences of single-parent families: when the mother is left alone with the child, not all of the child's needs are satisfied, the child lacks a sense of a complete family, feels different from others, and becomes an outsider in the children's group; when the child lacks a father, they tend to behave more undisciplinedly or aggressively; many mothers who have chosen to remain single behave neurotically and irritably towards their children.
2.1.3 The context of intergenerational learning
Daniela has paternal grandparents whom she visits occasionally. She shows greater affection for her paternal grandfather, who plays with her. The maternal grandfather passed away when she was four years old. She remembers him and misses him greatly, as they frequently spent time together. They wrote together, drew together, played cards, and talked extensively about everything.
The interview with Daniela lasted nearly an hour, because she frequently digressed from the posed question and wanted to talk about whatever came to mind. She also showed us a multitude of toys and games. She wanted to start playing with each one, explained the rules, but then we would immediately finish and she would bring out another game. Amidst these "digressions," we attempted to ask her questions to ascertain the intensity and content of intergenerational education in this family — carried out between her and her grandparents, primarily in relation to her grandmother, who devotes herself to her all afternoon when Daniela comes home from school. The following statements from both the granddaughter and the grandmother confirm the bidirectional flow and transfer of knowledge, skills, and experience within the intergenerational exchange: "We bake together (recently we baked a lot for Christmas, and I got tired of it), we cook (I coated schnitzels), we go shopping together, we play — last time Grandma and I played shopkeeper and customer. We do everything together. We also talk a lot about everything — what I learned at school, what we had for lunch. Even when I have problems at school, I tell her, but now things are going well at school, I have good friends. Grandma also takes me to football, which I really enjoy... Grandma helps me with everything. I, in turn, teach her English..." Grandmother Otília, who is no longer working and is retired, independently of the granddaughter's answers — which she had not heard — stated the same activities they engage in together. She further emphasised that they study together every day, and so she too revises everything she once learned at school. "Daniela is with me 90% of the time; we are always talking together. She also teaches me English, but I'm not very good at it, and she tests me on what I've learned..." It is truly admirable the self-sacrifice of the grandmother, who, as she expressed, "lives now only for Daniela, so that she grows into a good person." Not long ago, Otília was diagnosed with an advanced-stage malignant tumour, but her tenacity and desire to live and raise Daniela are so great that she bravely fights the insidious disease, and the results of the therapeutic intervention are, so to speak, "miraculous." The only thing that could be held against the grandmother is perhaps excessive care for the granddaughter, who should learn to be more independent so that in adulthood she does not resemble her immature mother, who is unable to take responsibility for her own life or for her child's life and continually relies on the help of her own mother, i.e. the grandmother — our respondent. And what do the grandmother and granddaughter most criticise each other for? Daniela criticises her grandmother for constantly correcting her, directing her, and giving orders, but despite this she is — as Otília states — obedient. "After initial expressions of displeasure, protest, and defiance, when I order her to do something, for example to tidy up, she comes and embraces me..." On the other hand, the grandmother reproaches the granddaughter for her excessive "wildness" and liveliness, which we can partly attribute to her temperament and partly to the absence of a "father's hand."
2.1.4 Conclusion of the case study
After analysing and describing the above-mentioned facts and information obtained through regular personal contact with the family, the conducted interviews, and also through the meeting with the class teacher, there is no doubt that in this family, intensive intergenerational learning takes place every day between the grandmother and her ten-year-old granddaughter, and that it is bidirectional. The benefits of the mutual interaction are evidently reciprocal. Based on the class teacher's testimony regarding the improvement in the behaviour of little Daniela — who had significant problems from the start of school — we venture to assert that in this case, the preventive potential (in the context not only of primary but also secondary and tertiary prevention) of intergenerational education with respect to undesirable aggressive behavioural manifestations in children and adolescents is clearly demonstrated. Regarding the types of learning, we again find all of them: sensorimotor (cooking, baking, shopping...), verbal-cognitive (joint preparation for lessons; learning English; various games), and social (responsibility, honesty, the development of communication skills, meticulousness, diligence, etc.). In this section of the case study, it is also our task to evaluate the individual roles that the grandmother assumes in this family, who spends a great deal of time with her granddaughter. We can perceive in her a certain dual role of "mother — grandmother," although in professional publications we do not encounter this type of function. It is, however, rather exceptional for a grandmother to devote maximum care to a grandchild when the child's mother is alive and capable of taking care.
Additional roles with which we can identify the older-generation respondent are the following: "guardian and caretaker," which is most typical for single-parent families; "play companion" for board games or for those that the granddaughter invents and which also have an educational character; "bearer of moral values" such as responsibility, politeness, orderliness, diligence, respect for others, and the like (although these values were not explicitly stated in the interviews, they are evident and can be inferred from the entire dialogue with the grandmother, who practically raises the granddaughter alone, standing in for both parents); "model of duty fulfilment" — since they perform the majority of activities together, Daniela has the opportunity to learn many things from the grandmother through imitation and to acquire social roles; "helpers in moments of crisis" — the grandmother is a support for the granddaughter particularly in her problems with learning disabilities at school, in relationships with classmates, and in Daniela's problematic attitude towards her own mother; "those who convey unconditional love" and "those who indulge" — although there is less indulgence and strictness is also needed, since parental upbringing is absent, the grandmother nonetheless confirmed that she has a less authoritarian attitude towards her than she had towards her own children; "friends and confidants" — this role is also apparent, because Daniela has a very intimate relationship with her grandmother and is able to confide in her with truly everything. If we were to identify and name the roles of family educators, the grandmother predominantly fulfils the roles of advisor and role model, and in the granddaughter we find the somewhat unconventional role of an expert who wishes to impart knowledge of a foreign language to her grandmother, while simultaneously wanting to demonstrate everything she herself can do and possibly be appreciated for it.
Conclusion
In today's world, we observe a continuous increase in the frequency and intensity of diverse socio-pathological phenomena, crime, and delinquency of every kind and degree. In the case of children and adolescents today, this primarily concerns increasingly frequent and intense manifestations and consequences of aggression and aggressive behaviour, one of the reasons for which is also neglected or incorrect education, the inability of the younger generation to communicate, engage in dialogue, listen actively, constructively resolve conflicts, build long-term, stable, and healthy relationships, and on this basis mature as human beings in the biological, psychological, social, and spiritual domains. Intergenerational learning, founded on the development and strengthening of intergenerational relationships between young people and seniors, is therefore perceived by us as a highly effective path and means of preventing undesirable social phenomena — in our case, aggressive behaviour — and as the most valuable form of social capital.
Author: PhDr. Petra Jedličková, PhD.
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