Online aggression as a modern phenomenon of human behavior

Introduction

Online risky behavior has, in recent years, become the subject of many professional and lay discussions due to the rapid rise in victims who are abused via the internet. Online risky behavior, or behavior in the virtual sphere, is a subordinate term to the term risky behavior. Based on research carried out by Richard Jessor, it has been shown that risky behavior represents a complex or set of activities, actions, behaviors and conduct that are generally risky and dangerous (Jessor 1998), "and that they often occur together, have the same origins (personality, social), and are in a negative relation to conventional behavior, for example, school obligations" (Dolejš 2010, p. 32). M. Čerešník (2019) describes risky behavior as a "living concept" because a certain development is visible.

According to theory, the consequences of risky behavior are primarily constitutional damage, accumulated aggression, and frustration. These consequences can also be referred to as internal factors. Consequences can also be external, such as social learning outcomes, falling moral values in society. M. Čerešník (2019) also conducted research focusing more on the specification of risky behavior. The study was conducted in Slovakia and the research sample consisted of 203 172 respondents (students in grades 5 to 9). It was shown that, in general, boys are more inclined toward risky behavior. Risky behavior increases mainly after age 11. Factors that significantly influence the emergence of risky behavior include, for example, age, lower self-esteem, higher anxiety, higher impulsivity, escape into virtual reality, and higher aggression. Based on factors that directly affect the onset and development of risky behavior, their ongoing development, transfer also into virtual environments and the emergence of (new) modifications, we prepared our own typology of risky behavior for this purpose:

Tab. 1 Forms of risky behavior (Own processing by M. Židová)

Online risky behavior represents inappropriate manifestations of behavior transferred to the virtual environment—cyberspace (Niklová, 2017). Online risky behavior is behavior by an individual that takes place in cyberspace; in light of the presence of online threats, the individual endangers themselves or others. The most characteristic feature of online risky behavior is risky internet use. In our view, the following characteristics are typical for online risky behavior or risky use of social networks:

• internet environment,
• communication through social networks,
• communicators can interact at the same time even in the absence of face-to-face interaction,
• real identity often concealed,
• risks of internet threats, to which individual forms of online risky behavior can be assigned,
• problems with adaptation,
• problems controlling one’s own emotions or behavior,
• problems expressing empathy and acceptance,
• problematic behavior in social interactions,
• tendency to fall for new and dangerous applications and forms of behavior in the internet environment.

There are also several types and forms of online risky behavior. These are gradually being modified as well and increasingly receive attention. Some types of online risky behavior were included in the following typology developed by us:

Tab. 2 Types of online risky behavior (Own processing by M. Židová)

Experts point out that a significant factor in problematic internet use and risky use of social networks is also symptom internalization. This includes lower life satisfaction (Martínez-Ferrer et al. 2018), but in many cases this is caused by the online disinhibition effect. Disinhibition is a type of behavior characterized by a lack of restraint in online communication and overall functioning in cyberspace. In other words, it is reduced concerns in online space (Huang et al., 2020), and therefore internet users are bolder in the virtual environment. Some scholars believe that it is a constellation of factors responsible for lack of restraint in online communication: disinhibition, deindividuation, anonymity (Buelga et al., 2017). In this understanding, deindividuation represents loss of individuation and an inability to regulate one’s own behavior. As an example, one can mention social groups in which an individual passively watches users of a social network discussing or commenting inappropriately on certain posts. According to M. P. Hernández et al. (2021), high disinhibition is characteristic above all in online risky behavior. It has been empirically demonstrated that the online disinhibitory effect is responsible for the fact that internet users trust people in cyberspace to a greater extent (Huang et al., 2020), which, in our view, is a key factor for online risks to children and adolescents. This can be exploited and children may thus become targets of attack—online aggression. It has also been empirically shown that minors—children—are most often involved in online aggression (Ouvrein, G. et al. 2018), while cyberbullying usually peaks during adolescence, since peer social group influence is strong at that stage (Kowalski et al., 2014 ).

Theoretical delimitation of online aggression

From an etymological perspective, the term aggression comes from the Latin aggressio. It is an "act of damaging or injuring" (Lovaš 2010, p. 14), directed at the harmed person—the victim. Cyberaggression is a problem affecting girls and boys at increasingly younger ages. Aggressive behavior in a person's virtual environment damages them psychologically and morally and has a negative influence on socialization, which is key during adolescence (Romera, E. M. et al. 2021). For theoretical, practical and research purposes, aggression is often divided according to what or whom provokes it. The best known is the distinction between proactive and reactive aggression (Merk et al., 2005), where a) proactive aggression—represents intentional aggressive behavior by an individual in order to achieve particular goals and simultaneously satisfy their own needs, b) reactive aggression—reaction to something/someone. This form of aggression represents behavior by an individual in response to perceived provocation or threat. It is often the case that the person is provoked by exogenous influences and usually adopts a defensive stance.

L. Lovaš (2010), from the perspective of purpose, divides aggression into two types: a) affective—arises from emotional arousal or mood, b) instrumental—not harming another person on the basis of negative emotions, but on the basis of fulfilling one’s own needs, with which achieving one’s own goals is also linked.

Aggression transferred to online space is online aggression, synonymously cyberaggression, and is a concurrent phenomenon of cyberbullying. Many people associate online aggression/cyberbullying with children as victims who mock each other in public posts on social networks (Lipton 2011). That is partly true, but in recent years understanding of online aggression and cyberbullying has become broader and includes other forms of harassment, such as online exploitation, (cyber)stalking, repeated attacking of the victim (in the broadest sense), including extortion, threatening, mocking, happy slapping, and others. In online aggression, the aggressor and victim do not have to know each other, while in cyberbullying the aggressor typically knows the victim personally (López-Vizcaíno 2021). We also consider forced participation in online challenges, especially dangerous ones (Židová 2021), as a form of cyberbullying, which can end tragically. The number of victims of cyberbullying and online aggression is rapidly increasing. As for cyberbullying, in 2007 it was 18%; in 2019 it was already 36%, and this trend is expected to continue to grow (López-Vizcaíno et al. 2021), since more and more minors are active on social networks. We consider online aggression to be a precursor of cyberbullying. Online aggression is often not assigned as much significance as cyberbullying and is sometimes treated as more tolerated because of its frequent use, and many users consider it already part of internet communication (Židová, Bielčiková 2022). This is true at present; however, on the other hand, it opens the door to even greater tolerance of inappropriate online communication and online violence. The essential difference between cyberbullying and cyberaggression is in the frequency of repetition. Online aggression is usually a one-time act, and in virtual bullying it is the prolonged harming over time (Hollá, 2017, Bielčiková, 2021). It is important to pay attention to manifestations that can lead to aggressive behavior in the virtual environment. Quintana-Ort,C. et al. (2020) state that adolescents experiencing cybervictimization are prone to maladaptive stress coping, which can cause maladaptive regulation (revenge, avoidance), which then leads further to cyberaggression. For easier understanding, we present a graphical representation in Fig. 1. In this case, it is important to focus on stress coping and coping themes. We see value mainly in thorough primary intervention and prevention.

Fig. 1: Process between cybervictimization and cyberaggression (Source: Quintana-Ort,C. et al. 2020)

Online risky behavior is often associated with children and adolescents, but it does not necessarily have to be carried out only by minors. Online risky behavior can be carried out by children as perpetrators, and also against children. It is therefore very important to protect children from potential online dangers. Especially from specific people who, at first glance in cyberspace, appear highly trustworthy, up to signs that children often cannot detect. For this reason, parental monitoring is necessary (Bielčiková, Židová 2022).

In the context of perpetrating online aggression, a specific group consists of "competent tyrants" (Caravita et al. 2008). A positive relationship between online perpetrators and online aggression has been empirically established. Competent aggressors are very effective (cyber)aggressors because they have a high ability to understand others’ feelings, easily predict and explain others’ behavior, and therefore manipulate others as well. Precisely because of these abilities, these aggressors can (for them very effectively) harm others (Caravita et al. 2008), (Baugman et al., 2012). These are people who possess "dark" traits. From a psychological perspective, the term "Dark Triad" is used to denote individuals who suffer from narcissism, Machiavellianism, and psychopathy. It is these individuals who often use online communication inappropriately and are more prone to perpetrate online violence (Baugman et al., 2012). The danger lies in the communication of such an online aggressor with a child. Children/adolescents at risk are those for whom unconditional acceptance, love, approval, and overall family well-being are absent. These children naturally seek a person who behaves "motherly (kindly)" toward them if they have not experienced or are not experiencing this in the family (Bowlby, J. 1958). They are therefore more likely to confide in anyone who shows sincere interest in them. This is often exploited by online aggressors/online manipulators. If a child’s activity on the internet or the child itself is not protected by parents, there is high risk that the child can be seriously harmed in some way (Sağkal et al. 2018). It is not uncommon for a minor to be sexually blackmailed, lured into some work, or exploited in other ways (Sklenarova et al. 2018). Online aggression may be only a mediator of manipulative communication, in which the aggressor seeks to achieve their goal. This process occurs at the expense of the victim, who suffers, is intimidated, and is deceived. The aggressor-victim relationship has strongly negative implications, which is why we emphasize prevention not only at the school level (teachers, lecturers, talks, lectures, intervention programs, activities, etc.), but also in the family (parental monitoring, supportive family atmosphere, etc.). Although the result of such risky communication or a relationship with an online aggressor is very dangerous, it is still necessary to emphasize that the experience and negative consequences are very individual. Every child, or every victim, processes a traumatic event differently. It is therefore impossible to generalize variables for the whole population. Discussion often focuses on those well-known and very intense, even dangerous, consequences that can leave a mark on a victim’s psychological well-being and can impact them mentally and socially (distrust of others, withdrawal, and so on). Based on the reviewed literature (Caravita et al. 2008), (Baugman et al., 2012), (Feinstein et al. 2014). (Runions et al. 2016), (Zhao 2018), (Chu 2019), (Rey 2020), (Zuo 2020), (López-Vizcaíno et al. 2021), (Quintana-Orts 2022), (Ganson et al. 2022), (Schunk 2022) we summarized our own typology of online aggression in relation to several variables with which it most often co-occurs. We also note that these are so-called predictors of online aggression, which are serious risks for victims of online aggression:

a) online aggression as predictor of vengeful behavior It has been empirically demonstrated that online aggression may be initiated by a sense of revenge and is associated with a defensive mechanism aimed at proving to the aggressor that the victim is also capable of behaving violently online (López-Vizcaíno et al. 2021). This is reactive aggression, which is triggered only in response to an already carried out attack. It has also been empirically confirmed that among key themes of cyberbullying/online aggression is the pursuit of power and status, searching for entertainment, searching for relief (retaliation, revenge). In some adults, online aggression is also connected to gaining status, praise, and recognition (Runions et al. 2016), (López-Vizcaíno et al. 2021).

b) online aggression as predictor of emotional difficulties A cyberaggressor may carry out online aggression due to their own difficulties (they hurt because they themselves are suffering), or a victim of online aggression may begin to exhibit emotional difficulties. The effects of carrying out online aggression are largely connected, for example, with depressive symptoms, anxiety problems, and suicidal thoughts. Adolescents who experienced cybervictimization are at increased risk of suicidal thoughts. Not all adolescents who are victims of online aggression experience suicidal thoughts. These findings still have limitations, and therefore it is important to study protective factors that could potentially dampen and reduce thoughts of death in such situations (Quintana-Orts 2022). For the victim of online aggression, it is precisely emotion dysregulation that is responsible for this, and that at the same time "triggers" the above-mentioned difficulties. Not every victim of online aggression may show such behavioral signs, but it is empirically established that this is a very common phenomenon (Kim et al. 2020) in difficult situations.

c) online aggression as predictor of self-esteem There are few studies focused on how online aggression predicts self-esteem or self-worth perception. However, it has been found that a victim who is the center of some forms of online aggression, such as humiliation, mocking, threatening, significantly determines one’s own perception and (non)acceptance of oneself, or progressively developing self-hatred (Zhao 2018), (Zuo 2020). Self-esteem in the context of online aggression and cyberbullying is also linked with bodyshaming. Bodyshaming is one form of (cyber)aggression/bullying and represents shaming or mocking the body and physical appearance. It is often associated with any humiliating comment regarding the victim’s age, hair, food, clothing, and the like. Victims of bodyshaming may start to suffer from depressive symptomatology as well as progressive self-hatred, inferiority complex, and eating disorders (Ganson et al. 2022).

d) online aggression as predictor of psychological difficulties Online aggression is associated with unfavorable psychological consequences, including well-being (Schunk 2022). Psychological strain is strongly determined by the fact that a person cannot/does not manage to relax because they are constantly worrying. The organism remains in a state of alert, and this impacts the victim of online aggression comprehensively on both physical and psychological levels. Research has found that online aggression is associated with lower well-being, such as lower life satisfaction, less social support, lower self-esteem, more depressive and somatic symptoms, loneliness, and suicidal thoughts (Schunk 2022), (Chu 2019).

e) online aggression as predictor of rumination The above-mentioned difficulties, which significantly impact the victim’s psyche and trigger "uncomfortable" somatic symptoms and difficulties, also predict rumination. Rumination represents a state in which an individual repeatedly returns to past negative experiences that affected them. They analyze and evaluate them, blame them, or blame themselves for current difficulties, failures and problems (Feinstein et al. 2014). The state of rumination usually begins for the victim when they are going through an emotionally difficult period. Because attacking the victim or carrying out cyberbullying regularly fundamentally burdens and exhausts the victim, comprehensive prevention is especially necessary. A victim of online aggression can be attacked by the aggressor to such an extent that mental discomfort triggers various illnesses. Repeatedly thinking about the difficult situation experienced by the victim of online aggression is the strongest trigger of mental disorders, most commonly depression and anxiety disorders (Chu 2019).

f) online aggression as predictor of inappropriate family background The family environment represents an important sanctuary for children and adolescents. It is a place for them characterized by safety and security. If parents do not meet children’s needs and failure occurs in the family’s core functions, this can be reflected precisely in the child’s behavior and actions. The absence of trust between child and parent leads the minor to regulate for themselves the time spent with media or on social networks, which are currently the most widely used platform and increasingly attractive to children and adolescents, despite being open to online threats (Židová, M., Bielčiková, K. 2022). With insufficient emotional nourishment in the family, a child seeks attention among friends and peers. There, however, they may encounter a negative model that can strongly influence them if they do not find guidance in the family environment. The child begins to handle problems and worries alone and under excessive pressure looks for ways to release negative emotions, which can end up in negative and aggressive behavior. Such behavior is currently being transferred excessively into the virtual environment, which offers multiple options including anonymity. Research by M. Levy and R. Sela-Shayovitz (2020) showed that adolescents who share and discuss cyberaggression with their parents protect the cyber-victim more than those who do not discuss this issue with their parents. Communication and sharing of feelings or experiences are extremely important in the family. Quality foundations acquired in the family environment can thus become an important way to prevent aggressive behavior in online space.

Succumbing to negative thoughts is very easy, since a person naturally remembers negative events as well. Especially when it comes to online communication, which is currently a natural part of our lives. Frequently a person can be in a difficult situation and at that moment become a victim of online attacks, which is therefore more emotionally intense for them. They try to think about this problem, analyze it, try to solve it somehow. Unfortunately, online violence, like any other form of aggression, is exhausting and demanding for the person. Not every victim initially realizes they are a victim. Many online aggression victims fear talking about their problem, because online aggression is often associated with very intense intimidation. A victim may be afraid not only for themselves but also for their family. It is therefore necessary that preventive measures be implemented broadly, so that work is carried out with both children and parents.

Online aggression in comorbidity with attention and activity disorders

Attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), according to ICD-11, is characterized by persistent inattention and/or hyperactivity and impulsivity, which has a direct negative impact on academic, occupational, or social functioning. The degree of inattention, hyperactivity, and impulsivity is beyond the boundaries of normal variation expected for a given age and level of intellectual functioning. Inattention concerns pronounced difficulties mainly in acquiring academic skills. Hyperactivity relates to excessive motor activity and difficulties staying still in situations requiring self-control of behavior.

Impulsivity is the tendency to act in response to immediate stimuli, without thinking or weighing risks and consequences. Relative balance and specific manifestations of inattentive and hyperactive-impulsive traits differ among individuals and can change during development. Such students tend to act in reaction to immediate cues without evaluating risks and consequences (e.g., engaging in behavior with potential for physical and psychological injury, impulsive decisions, reckless driving, and, in online communication, writing and sending anything without thinking).

Individuals with ADHD often have greater difficulties regulating their behavior in group contexts than in one-to-one situations. ADHD is more common among males, which is also emphasized in international studies. Cuney et al. (2019), in their study, assessed relationships between severity of internet addiction (IA) symptoms and internet gaming disorder (IGD) symptoms with probable ADHD and aggression among university students while controlling for anxiety and depression symptoms. Probable ADHD was associated with severity of IA symptoms, together with depression and aggression, especially physical aggression and hostility. Similarly, probable ADHD was also associated with severity of IGD symptoms, together with depression and aggression, especially physical aggression, anger, and hostility. These findings suggest that the presence of probable ADHD is linked to severity of IA and IGD symptoms, along with aggression and depression.

The study by Casado Del Rio et al. (2019) focused on use, opportunities, and risks faced by "online" children with learning and behavioral problems aged 9–16 as users of the internet, described either by their father or mother. Results indicate that lack of digital skills and computer equipment in households often makes it difficult for children to complete certain homework or school assignments and to transmit digital skills from parents. Parents who are less skilled in digital literacy are unable to adequately help children regulate online activities or solve their online problems. It was also found that these minors visit inappropriate-content websites more often, such as websites promoting self-harm or suicide, or websites dealing with eating disorders.

The study by Velki and Dudaš (2016) examined whether there is a difference between children who according to self-assessment meet criteria for diagnosis of one of three ADHD types (predominantly hyperactive-impulsive, predominantly inattentive, combined) and those who, based on self-assessment, have suspicion of ADHD (with 4 or 5 ADHD symptoms), in terms of the level and type of peer aggression (physical, electronic), aggression (proactive, reactive) and victimization (verbal, physical, electronic), compared to children who do not believe they have ADHD symptoms. Ages ranged from 10 to 16 years. It was found that children who self-assessed as meeting ADHD criteria and children with suspicion of developing ADHD showed higher levels of aggressiveness and peer aggression toward children who feel they do not have ADHD symptoms, but such children were also victims of peer aggression. Higher levels of violence and aggressiveness were found in children with the combined type and predominately hyperactive-impulsive type ADHD. It can be stated that symptoms of hyperactivity and impulsivity represent a greater problem for the child than symptoms of inattention, especially regarding violence and aggressive behavior in children.

Victimization and perpetration of cyberbullying and traditional bullying (Liu et al. 2021 B) predominate among adolescents with ADHD. This study examined associations of impulsivity, frustration intolerance, and hostility with victimization and perpetration of cyberbullying and traditional bullying among adolescents with ADHD. Results showed that after controlling for demographic characteristics and behavior problems, frustration intolerance increased the risk of becoming both victims and perpetrators of cyberbullying, whereas hostility increased the risk of becoming victims and perpetrators of traditional bullying. Impulsivity was not significantly associated with any type of bullying.

Yasin et al. (2022) examined comorbidity of ADHD and cyberaggression and online victimization among adolescents aged 10–18 years. The authors report that they have similar experiences regarding age of onset of internet and computer use and chronological age. Although the difference between groups is not statistically significant, the rate of cyberbullying in the ADHD group was up to four times higher than in the control group, which is clinically meaningful in practice. Compared with clinical presentations of ADHD in the literature, the study reports that adolescent males with combined-type ADHD were at higher risk of being perpetrators of cyberbullying than those with predominantly inattentive ADHD. It also confirmed that there is an important relation between hyperactivity symptoms and cyberbullying. Impulsivity plays a special role in cyberbullying among the core clinical symptoms of ADHD.

Victimization and perpetration of cyberbullying and traditional bullying are prevalent among adolescents with autism spectrum disorder (ASD) and ADHD (Liu et al. 2021). This study aimed to explore the role of social anxiety in victimization and perpetration of cyberbullying and traditional bullying among adolescents with ASD and adolescents with ADHD aged 11–18 years on Taiwan and their caregivers. The study found that social anxiety increased the risk of involvement in all categories of bullying except perpetration of cyberbullying in adolescents with ASD and increased the risk of becoming victims of traditional bullying in adolescents with ADHD. It also demonstrated a significant relationship between social anxiety and victimization in cyberbullying among adolescents with ASD. Adolescents with social anxiety, lacking appropriate social skills for interacting with peers in real life, may escape their social anxieties online. Social anxiety was significantly associated with several forms of bullying in adolescents with ASD and ADHD in this study.

Simmons, Antshel (2021) compared existing studies that consistently reported links between ADHD symptoms/diagnoses, bullying, and depressive symptoms. ADHD served as an innate predisposition for an individual to engage in bullying, which in turn tended to function as a bridge in the relationship between ADHD symptoms and depressive symptoms (i.e., depression appears in youth with ADHD when and even if they engage in bullying). Associations were consistently reported between bullying and depressive symptoms in youth with ADHD. The findings also suggest that bullying may act as a factor whereby bullying increases the risk of depression in youth with ADHD and as a potential mediator of the relationship between ADHD and depression, with bullying being one of the mechanisms through which ADHD can lead to depression.

The pervasiveness of technology changes how adolescents express themselves and communicate with peers. Given that adolescents with ADHD experience a range of social disorders and risky behavior may be broader and more harmful in online environments, it is therefore important to understand how adolescents (13–16 years old) with ADHD in the U.S. use the internet. Scientists examined associations between online behavior and offline symptoms and behavior to identify potential risk and protective factors. Findings suggest that adolescents with ADHD use technology similarly to the typical adolescent population described in previous research, but they seem to be exposed to a unique risk of cyberbullying. Offline risks were associated with online risky behavior. Facebook use was linked to online risks (e.g., weak online ties) and offline risks (e.g., poorer social skills and more internalizing symptoms). Online social platforms allow for the study of social behavior through naturalistic observation (Dawson et al.,2019).

The aim of another study (Yen et al. 2014) was to examine prevalence rates and multilevel correlations of victimization and perpetration of cyberbullying among adolescent boys with diagnosed ADHD in Taiwan. Associations between involvement in cyberbullying and depression, anxiety, and suicide were also examined. Experiences with victimization and perpetration of cyberbullying were assessed in 251 adolescent males with ADHD, of whom 48 reported being victims or perpetrators of cyberbullying. Victims of cyberbullying were more likely to be older and to have parents with a higher professional socioeconomic status, and they also reported more severe victimization of traditional passive bullying. Those who were older, had combined-type ADHD, and showed lower inhibitions, more severe internet addiction, and more severe perpetration of traditional passive bullying were more likely to be perpetrators of cyberbullying. Victims of cyberbullying reported more severe depressive, and in some cases suicidal, states than those who were not victims. It was also confirmed that a larger proportion of adolescent males with ADHD are involved in cyberbullying.

The study by Liu et al. (2021 A) examined relationships between cyberbullying and victimization and perpetration of traditional bullying, perceived family functions, frustration intolerance, and hostility with depressive symptoms and suicidality in adolescents diagnosed with ADHD. Results showed that after generating results according to sex, age, ADHD symptoms, and family function, greater frustration intolerance and perpetration of bullying significantly predicted depressive symptoms reported by the adolescents. However, cyberbullying victimization significantly predicted suicide, but not traditional bullying. This study also showed that perpetration of traditional bullying and frustration intolerance significantly predicted depressive symptoms. In addition, cyberbullying victimization and hostility significantly predicted suicide risk in adolescents with ADHD. Being a victim of cyberbullying and displaying hostility significantly predicted suicide risk. Different forms of bullying, frustration intolerance, and hostility significantly predicted depressive symptoms and suicide in adolescents with ADHD. By monitoring and intervening in these factors, we can reduce risk of problems associated with depression and suicidality in adolescents with ADHD.

Conclusion

It is very important that in schools, but also in families, attention be paid to prevention of online threats with an emphasis on the development of soft skills (empathy, communication, acceptance, understanding, and so on). It is also empirically established that empathy can reduce aggression, even in cyberspace, while moral disengagement (social-cognitive processes responsible for deactivating moral controls, e.g., inability to apologize, inability to control one’s own behavior, etc.) can intensify it (Baugman et al. 2012). Since it was also found that there is a relationship between rumination and psychosomatic difficulties associated with online aggression, it is necessary to pay attention not only to appropriate and safe use of media including the internet, but also to mental health. It is important to recognize that not only students with activity and attention disorders can become victims, or conversely aggressors, of cyberaggression or cyberbullying. For these children, we should be especially vigilant and pay them appropriate attention, care, and interest. In addition, family plays an important role, as the first social environment that passes on behavioral foundations to children. At present, parents have a difficult task: not only to prepare a child for ordinary life, but also for virtual life and to help them cope with negative manifestations and prevent becoming a cyber victim or cyber aggressor. Awareness of multiple forms and types of online aggression may cause concern about the rapid increase of these threats. On the other hand, knowing they exist is the first step toward safe and purposeful influence on children and adolescents.

Authors: Mgr. Monika Židová Mgr. Kristína Bielčiková Mgr. et Mgr. Monika Janíček Pavelová

The article is supported by UGA projects: V/14/2022 Online aggression as a modern phenomenon of human behavior. V/1/2022 Development of media literacy as a means of preventing cyberaggression among students in grades 6–9 of basic school. V/10/2022 Diagnostics in education and counseling for students with dyscalculia.

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