INTRODUCTION
This article presents the results of a research study that was conducted as part of a doctoral dissertation defended in 2020 at Vysoká škola zdravotníctva a sociálnej práce sv. Alžběty. The research focused on mapping the socio-cultural and religious specificities in intercultural intimate relationships between a man who professes Islam, from a country where Islamic religion is dominantly represented and shapes religious and societal norms, and women from Central Europe who are non-religious or Christian. To map this intercultural process, we relied on the testimonies of six respondents who have personal experience with this phenomenon. The findings obtained from the testimonies were systematically arranged into individual areas in order to map the specificities and possible risks of the examined intercultural relationship as clearly as possible. The results can be useful for better orientation of social workers, police officers, and other professions that may encounter relationships of this type in their practice. This research is descriptive in nature and aims to map the ongoing intercultural relationship, not to create a new hypothesis.
THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK OF THE INVESTIGATED ISSUE
Before launching the research among respondents, we analyzed in detail the theoretical sources describing the researched issue, especially the position of women in an Islamic social environment. These sources include basic doctrinal texts of Islam, namely the Quran and reports on the behavior of the Prophet Mohammed, that is, hadiths. Islamic law and its establishment in the area of personal status in several countries with a dominant Islamic orientation were also part of our analysis. It should be noted that sharia law is still commonly applied in family and inheritance matters in most Arab countries. Our findings indicate that in primary Islamic sources, and in Islamic law based on them, the position of women is highly unequal and problematic.
We then focused on controversial factors found in Islamic social contexts, including a strongly dominant male position and the occurrence of violence against women. We also examined topics such as polygamy and the veiling of women, phenomena with which societies identifying with Islam are often associated. By analyzing the theoretical sources, we did not focus only on describing and characterizing these social and religious practices, but also on attitudes of individuals in that society toward these phenomena. The theoretical review showed that some norms in Muslim communities differ from notions of women’s equality and freedom as understood and regulated by international conventions and declarations, and as they are practiced in the European or Christian cultural sphere.
Within this theoretical review, we concluded that a significant influence on a Muslim man and his possible intimate relationship also comes from practicing prescribed daily rituals and regulations. We then focused on the possible pressure to convert that Muslim men may exert in intercultural relationships toward their partners. Our analysis also identified further characteristics typical of Muslims, especially significantly different dietary habits linked to the prohibition of pork and alcohol consumption.
The reputable surveys we evaluated in the areas above show that in many Muslim-majority countries, women’s status in society is widely unsatisfactory across many areas of everyday life. The norms shaping women’s position are formed, according to available sources, by doctrinal teachings of Islam. Data also indicate that these customs and attitudes toward organizing society by Islamic rules are maintained by Muslims even after settling in Europe.
The goal of this theoretical overview was to identify patterns typical of a Muslim society and from which socio-cultural and religious demands of the partners of our respondents, and possible socio-pathological phenomena in such relationships, may emerge.
A complete list of theoretical sources and web links, including detailed analysis, is available on CRZP.sk, where the full text of the dissertation that underpins this article is accessible (Cvrček, 2020).
METHODOLOGY
Based on findings from the detailed analysis of theoretical sources related to the researched issue, we were able to formulate the following working assumptions: 1) The position of women in a relationship with a Muslim man will most likely be subordinate compared to the strongly dominant position of Muslim men, and it will be enforced regardless of whether the woman is herself Muslim. 2) A relationship with a man who identifies as Muslim will be strongly influenced by Islamic religious and social elements that he will observe and require in the relationship, even when the partner does not come from the same cultural and religious environment. 3) Religious and cultural patterns are transferred by partners from their home environment and then applied in the new environment as well.
Based on these assumptions, the research question was formed as follows: “What position and socio-cultural specificities do Czech women encounter in an intercultural intimate relationship with men who identify as Muslims?”
Selecting a suitable sample of respondents was a rather complex process. Selection criteria were as follows. A respondent had to have personal experience of cohabiting with a man identifying as Muslim and, at the same time, coming from a culturally different environment where Islam is dominantly represented in society. Because no institution or association exists that would connect women with this experience, the sample of six women was assembled through a combination of online recruitment via social media, personal contacts from previous research activities, and recommendations from suitable respondents by family members. The respondents had varied educational levels: two had higher education, three had secondary education with a matura, and one had vocational training. Their ages during the relationship were between 20 and 30 years.
A notable finding in the respondents’ profiles is that five of them come from divorced families; one did not specify this area. The question is whether parental divorce may have contributed to these women seeking intercultural relationships. We did not examine this in our research due to the very small number of respondents, although this observation would merit deeper analysis. For anonymity, respondents were subsequently marked in the text only by the letter R and a number. The partners of our respondents came from Egypt, Morocco, Algeria, Turkey, Palestinian territory, and a country in the Arabian Peninsula region (left intentionally unspecific in greater detail).
Data collection was then carried out in five cases through in-person meetings and structured interviews with open-ended questions. We recorded answers immediately on site. In one case, the interview was conducted through electronic communication; through this format, we also performed subsequent supplementary questioning of all respondents.
When evaluating respondents’ statements, we used coding techniques and then created several separate thematic chapters. Through these chapters we could clearly map the ongoing intercultural relationship from its initial phase to relationship termination. In data analysis we followed the procedure recommended by Jan Hendl (Hendl, 2016).
RESEARCH FINDINGS
Czech women entered intercultural intimate relationships with Muslim men with the expectation that they would build a relationship not too different from what they might experience with a person from the same cultural and social environment, such as a Czech man. Therefore, respondents expected this to be a relationship oriented toward a shared future and a life partner.
R1: “I expected him to be a life partner, for a family. I assumed this because of how nicely he behaved toward me at the beginning, he was intelligent, and he had insight.”
Motivation to enter these intercultural relationships was often stimulated by these men’s eloquence and entertaining personalities and by a certain mystery and unknown associated with being in a relationship with a man from a different culture.
In such an intercultural relationship, religious practice and the partners’ cultural-social assumptions and demands played a decisive role, affecting many areas of everyday life. In all cases we observed, the partners had different eating habits, most notably absolute refusal of pork and, in most cases, alcohol consumption.
R3: “He didn’t eat pork and didn’t drink alcohol, he didn’t drink at all, and he wouldn’t eat pork.”
In most cases, it was incomprehensible and unacceptable to the men for their partners to spend time in the company of other men or to be in any form of contact with them. This misunderstanding was also expressed in some cases regarding employment, where women came into contact with men.
R2: “A terrible issue for him was that I work in a restaurant and have contact with men; he absolutely didn’t understand that, he was annoyed that men looked at me at work and that he couldn’t understand this kind of job for a woman.”
There was also misunderstanding and condemnation of forms of entertainment in the European style, for example visiting bars and discos where men and women socialize together and alcohol is consumed. In most cases, European women’s behavior was criticized as too casual, immoral, and unacceptable. Respondents reported varied views on women’s dress. In one case, more revealing clothing was encouraged; in other cases, modest dress was required, and in one case there was even incomprehension over why women did not wear a hijab. Partners generally adhered to their religious customs, especially fasting during Ramadan and performing daily prayers repeated several times a day.
R4: “He prayed several times a day, but I could never be with him then.”
In some cases, attendance at mosque or prayer hall also occurred. In half of the cases, respondents reported some reference to Islamic law, mainly in the area of personal status, especially regarding marriage. Partners often spent time only with people from their own community of compatriots, or simply Muslims. A fundamental demand from most partners was that children born in these relationships should be raised in the Islamic faith.
R5: “Still, when he planned a shared future, the children would of course naturally be real Muslims.”
These cultural and religious demands were not expected by the women at the beginning of the relationship, and the strong differences in habits and principles—and their enforcement—were in many cases surprising.
Partners were met with partial or total submission by women to these religious and social demands in all cases. Women changed their dietary habits in all cases, as cooking with pork was not acceptable, and most respondents also stopped consuming alcohol. It was typical for most women in an intercultural relationship to reduce or completely stop meeting friends, especially men, and begin spending time only with their partners or at home, thereby fulfilling their men’s demands.
R6: “What I had to, I had to stop seeing guys; it would have been a problem, and he said he couldn’t understand why I should have friends.”
In one case this restriction went so far that the respondent changed her doctor under pressure because he was a man. Women adapted clothing to the men’s demands; most began dressing modestly. During visits to their partners’ home countries, in two cases women began wearing a hijab. Some women began studying Islamic religious texts or tried to fast during Ramadan. One relationship reached marriage, and the partner then began observing virtually all rules deriving from Islam, informally adopting Islam.
R6: “Then he wanted me to convert to Islam, said he would like me to do so. I promised him I would and even recited the formula of accepting the Islamic faith.”
In two additional cases, the men required that the partner accept at least some faith, ideally Islam. One respondent began considering baptism, and another began presenting herself falsely as a non-practicing Christian, which was sufficient for the partner at that time.
These religious and cultural customs, the men’s demands, and their enforcement led to relationship termination by respondents in half the cases, while in the other half relationships worsened and eventually ended at the partners’ initiative. For most respondents, it was unacceptable that children from these relationships be required to be raised in Muslim traditions and customs.
R2: “What surprised me was that he told me right away that the children would be like him, meaning they would have his faith. When I said that, he said he wanted to have child-rearing in his hands and that from his perspective it was a finished issue, he didn’t want to discuss it, and he wanted that from very early on. That shocked me and became a trigger for ending the relationship.”
Another problematic area was adherence to customs and practices and cultural differences.
Relationships ended in different ways. Two were ended via mobile phone, one was ended by divorce, and in two cases the relationship ended when the women traveled back to the Czech Republic. One relationship was ended through a prolonged process lasting a year and a half. In several cases, the breakup was colored by fear and threats of physical elimination, or actual physical attack.
A key factor affecting the whole relationship was strong male dominance, present in most cases—specifically in five of six observed relationships. Dominance was expressed in the expectation that everything had to follow the partner’s ideas and wishes. The man always set the direction and there was no real discussion of his instructions and viewpoints. This dominance appeared especially in a range of prohibitions and orders enforced within the relationship. Many of these prohibitions and rules originated in cultural and religious customs and the demands described above. These were especially restrictions related to contact with men or participation in specific types of leisure. Men maintained this dominant position through psychological pressure or threats, physical assault, and in one case even repeated physical attacks. One respondent described being expelled from shared housing; in another, “disobedience” by the partner was handled with her mother. Respondents agreed that such strong male dominance has roots in cultural and religious practices typical of Muslim society from which the partners come.
R6: “His dominant position and setting the direction in everything clearly comes from religious and cultural customs in his home country. In Egypt, men’s dominant position is a given.”
DISCUSSION
Several concrete conclusions emerged from our research, which in this section we will try to discuss alongside findings from similarly focused sources.
Dominance, role, and enforcement
In our study, five of the six respondents stated that their relationship with a Muslim partner was based on a clear role division, where women occupied a clearly subordinate role. Men then used their dominant position to direct the relationship in all but all areas of cohabitation, and this direction was generally not discussed. Respondents identified the cause of this dominant behavior in behavioral patterns common in the partners’ countries of origin and shaped by local society and Islamic religion. An informative finding in this area is provided by the study Muslim Immigrant Men's and Women's Attitudes Towards Intimate Partner by Marialuisa Gennari, Cristina Giuliani, and Monica Accordini. In that study, attention was focused on domestic violence and women’s position in marital pairs of migrants from Morocco, Egypt, and Pakistan. The study was published in 2017 on Europe’s Journal of Psychology and conducted in Italy. The authors are affiliated with Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore and used content analysis for data analysis. Its results state that Muslim marital unions show a clear role division and power imbalance based on a subordinate position of women in the marriage. It is noteworthy that both Muslim men and their Muslim wives agree on men’s privileged and superior position. Women themselves report that they should obey their husbands. Women also do not exclude violent behavior by their husbands, which should be tolerated for the sake and preservation of family well-being. Women consistently report limited self-determination and limited freedom of choice compared with male counterparts. The authors identify as the reason for men’s superior position and enforcement of obedience the repetition of traditional gender roles adopted in the countries of origin (Gennari, Giuliani, & Accordini, 2017).
Thus, this study’s results are consistent with our findings regarding clear role division and dominant male behavior. Violence and threats of violence are also reported both in the study and in statements from some of our respondents. A difference, however, is in the acceptance of this behavior. While Muslim women accept this behavior and their husbands’ position, respondents from the Czech Republic cannot reconcile themselves with these attitudes over the long term, and in some cases these are the reason for ending the relationship from their side.
Further, a study conducted in Pakistan by Tazeen Saeed Ali, Noureen Karamali, and Omer Malik indicates that male dominance in Muslim societies is widespread and socially accepted by Muslim women, including possible physical violence against women. The study clearly states that women in this society play a purely subordinate role and believe it is their duty to accommodate and obey men, and that the man is the controlling person of the entire household. The authors argue that the cause of this dominance and pressure on women is a poor interpretation of religious texts (Ali, Karamali, & Malik, 2014).
It can therefore be concluded that dominant male position, clear direction-setting, and demands for female subordination are typical traits of intimate relationships in which a man who identifies as Muslim is present. These traits are the same regardless of whether this is an intercultural relationship or a homogeneous relationship between partners both identifying as Muslims. As confirmed by this research, it does not depend on whether the relationship is experienced in a country where Islam is dominant or in Europe. These findings also align with our respondents’ stated assumptions that dominant behavior and clear role division originate in cultural and religious norms rooted in Muslim societies and are transferred by men into a completely different cultural and religious environment, where they are again applied in the relationship.
Restriction of freedom of movement and leisure
From our respondents’ statements, it was apparent in most cases that men who identify as Muslims are unwilling to accept their partners’ friendships with other men, and in some cases reject local European forms of leisure where men and women socialize together. Work was also a source of tension in some cases. For example, one respondent stated in our study that her Moroccan boyfriend did not want her to work in a restaurant because she would come into contact with other men, which he says is unthinkable in Morocco. The Moroccan partner’s reasoning in this case corresponds to arguments voiced by some Moroccan men in the study by Gennari, Giuliani, and Accordini. In that study, the authors also report that some Moroccan migrants worry that their Moroccan wives would work in hospitality where they would interact with other men. However, Moroccan men are still relatively open to integrating women into the labor market, whereas Pakistani and Egyptian men do not want their wives to work at all (Gennari, Giuliani, & Accordini, 2017).
Bezoušková is also discussed regarding the possibility of restricting women’s freedom of movement or contact by husbands. In her detailed analysis of Islamic family law commonly practiced in Arab countries, she notes that a husband may, under certain circumstances, forbid his wife from leaving home or visiting specific persons (Bezoušková, 2013).
In countries and communities where Islam is dominantly represented, it is standard practice for women to hold household roles and to spend most of their time inside the family rather than engaging much in society or in the labor market. We pointed this out previously in another study (Cvrček T., 2018). It is therefore likely that many of the restrictions and prohibitions imposed by our respondents’ partners stem from ordinary practices rooted in their countries of origin. Men then apply this practice not only in marriage but already in the intimate relationship with women from Czech cultural environments where women and men participate equally in the labor market, society, and leisure with no restrictions.
Religious practice and the partners’ cultural-social views and demands
Respondents stated that their partners who identify as Muslims generally observe at least some religious duties from the five pillars of faith (shahada, the five daily prayers, almsgiving, Ramadan fasting, pilgrimage to Mecca). Ramadan fasting was mentioned in all cases. Personal prayer was often mentioned, and in some cases respondents reported partners attending mosque or studying religious texts. These findings about partners’ religious practice are not surprising in light of results from a Pew Research Center survey in Muslim societies. The survey was conducted in 2012 in selected territories where Muslim populations are present and targeted Muslims only. Respondents were asked whether they fast during Ramadan. Results showed that in Turkey 84% observe fasting, in Morocco 98%, in Egypt 95%, and in Palestinian territories 94%. Performing daily prayers several times a day was reported by 42% of Turks, 69% of Moroccans, 60% of Egyptians, and 74% of Palestinians. Mosque attendance at least once or more per week was reported by 44% of Turks, 54% of Moroccans, 61% of Egyptians, and 55% of Palestinians. Reading or listening to Quranic verses was practiced by 72% of Turks, 97% of Moroccans, 99% of Egyptians, and 98% of Palestinians. Data for Algeria, from which one respondent’s partner came, are not available in this survey (Pew, 2012). The area described as the partner’s origin being from the Arabian Peninsula was discussed deliberately to avoid identifying a specific country, in line with the respondent’s explicit request. We should note, however, that countries in the Arabian Peninsula are classified as strongly conservative.
A central problem often mentioned as crucial for continuing an intercultural relationship with a Muslim-identifying partner was the demand that children born of this relationship be Muslim, that is, have the father’s religion. We note that this principle is commonly applied in Muslim countries, and is also noted by Bezoušková (2013). She also points to other issues derived from current legal frameworks in Muslim countries, for example that for proper child-rearing, the mother must exemplary observe religious duties so that the child is not morally corrupted. The issue becomes acute when the woman is of another faith or non-religious. If she is Christian or Jewish, according to some current legal provisions, she is allowed to raise a child only up to a certain age. Bahrain’s legal framework does not allow a child to be raised by a non-Muslim at all (Bezoušková, 2013). These norms in Muslim countries may explain why Muslim men make such demands in intercultural relationships outside Muslim countries: they may be adopted as a norm and transferred to another environment.
Clothing
We received quite different responses from our respondents regarding demands about clothing required by partners. In one case, covering in the sense of the hijab was required; this concern concerned a partner from Morocco. In other cases, only proper, modest clothing was required, and in one case sexy clothing was purchased by the partner himself. We were unable to obtain a study dedicated to Muslim men’s clothing demands toward their non-Muslim partners. Likewise, we could not secure any research for discussion focused on Muslim men’s demands regarding their wives’ clothing in the European context. However, part of a Pew Research Center survey from January 2014, conducted by the University of Michigan’s Institute for Social Research, may be informative. This survey shows that even in Muslim countries attitudes toward women’s clothing vary considerably. Seven countries with a Muslim majority were included: Tunisia, Egypt, Turkey, Iraq, Lebanon, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia. Of these, only two are countries of origin for our respondents—Egypt and Turkey. The results indicate that in Egypt, 4% favor women not wearing head covering, while 85% favor at least partial covering (especially of hair), 9% favor niqab, and 1% consider burka appropriate. In Turkey, 32% of respondents prefer women not to be covered in public, 65% prefer some form of head covering, and 2% niqab; burka is not represented at all. For illustration, in Lebanon 49% prefer not to cover women publicly, 47% prefer some form of hair covering, 1% prefer niqab, and 2% prefer burka (Pew, 2014). The unusually liberal clothing results in Lebanon are likely influenced by the fact that a substantial part of the population identifies as Christian, a tradition less restrictive on this issue than Islam.
Alcohol and diet
In our study, all respondents, without exception, clearly stated that their partners condemn pork consumption. As noted, pork consumption is prohibited in primary religious texts, for example in Quranic texts (Hrbek, 2012). In light of the previously discussed results, it was already noted that the religious texts are studied by the vast majority of Muslims in Turkey, Morocco, Egypt, and Palestinian territories. We can therefore confirm the generally known fact that aversion to pork has a primarily religious basis, with which respondents’ partners become acquainted when studying these religious texts. In Drápalová and Kolářová’s 2001 study in Plzeň, there were occasional cases where respondents of Islamic faith reported that they had given up pork consumption (Drápalová & Kolářová, 2003). This was surprising, as in the case of our respondents’ partners there was no evidence of conscious abandonment of pork consumption.
CONTRIBUTION TO PRACTICE
In our opinion, the field of cohabitation of Czech women with partners from Muslim countries is a strongly underestimated area from a scientific perspective. The Muslim community in the Czech Republic is relatively small compared with Western European countries, and therefore mixed relationships between Czech women and men identifying as Muslims from a culturally and socially different environment are not many, but these intercultural relationships still occur. As our research supports, these relationships may contain a number of socio-cultural and religious specificities that are difficult for us to understand, and which may, in our view, lead to relationship or possibly marriage breakdown, and therefore to family dissolution.
If such an intercultural family collapses, it is likely that specialists from several professions—especially social workers, psychologists, and police officers—will intervene. In such interventions, it is necessary to understand pitfalls, specificities, and potential socio-pathological risks that can occur or already exist latently in such an intercultural relationship. In such a situation, findings from our study, including the results presented here, could be useful for professionals to identify possible socio-pathological behavior and to facilitate addressing it.
CONCLUSION
In conclusion, we can state that we successfully described in detail the entire course of an intercultural intimate relationship between a Czech woman from Central European, non-religious or Christian background and a partner identifying as Muslim from a country where society is shaped by Islamic customs and prescriptions.
By mapping this process, we concluded that these relationships involve two individuals who usually have completely different understandings of how many areas of life should be organized. For men identifying as Muslims, it is in most cases absolutely unacceptable for their partners to spend time in the company of men and to seek equal role division in the relationship. Muslims in such relationships try to maintain an absolutely dominant position at all costs, and in the overwhelming majority of cases they do not discuss their demands with partners.
Men in these relationships have many demands on their partners that stem from religious and cultural customs typical in their countries of origin. These include dietary change, often also demands to adopt a faith, or to direct the religious orientation of children born in the relationship. Frequent phenomena are also alcohol prohibition, exclusion from many forms of leisure, and the aforementioned non-acceptance of contact with other men, both in personal friendship circles and, in some cases, in professional settings.
Based on the results we obtained, it is necessary to state that men identifying as Muslims bring into relationships with Czech partners religious, social, and cultural assumptions that are common in their countries of origin and do not intend to relax them even when partners do not share these values and attitudes. Many behavioral patterns and demands placed on Czech partners are supported by religious texts such as the Quran and hadith collections, which are over 1,400 years old; these attitudes transmitted across generations are therefore deeply rooted in Muslim men. There were also cases where men in family life often referred to Islamic legal practice, which they nevertheless want to apply on European territory where the intercultural relationship unfolds—especially regarding marriage and divorce. This topic could not be explored in greater detail because suitable respondents with experience of marriages based on Islamic legal norms were not available.
This sometimes rigid adherence to religious and cultural prescriptions, together with a strongly dominant position of Muslim men in the intimate relationship, is generally the reason for the termination of this kind of intercultural relationship.
Women’s attitudes are in most cases similar; in initial phases they adapt to their partners’ demands and rules. At some point, however, a reversal occurs and these relationships collapse. The main reason for women to end the relationship is the men’s demand that children born in the relationship be raised in the Islamic faith. A frequent reason is also the total lack of acceptance of women’s demands to influence the relationship’s direction.
According to our findings, in intercultural intimate relationships of Czech women with men identifying as Muslims and originating from Muslim countries, this is a union of two completely different human beings with fundamentally different views of society and values. It is therefore appropriate to carefully consider whether to invest time and energy in such a relationship. As found, women often enter these relationships with the expectation that they will develop similarly to a relationship with a partner from the same cultural background. Our research shows that these expectations are not fulfilled.
In the Czech Republic, social workers, police officers, and other professions have so far encountered intercultural relationships only marginally. In the cases examined here, no intervention was conducted by social workers or other specialists.
However, it is likely that in the context of migration or Muslim students studying in the Czech Republic, relationships of this character will continue to occur and perhaps increase in number. Our research found that these relationships may display certain socio-pathological phenomena, such as physical violence or significant restriction of personal freedom. Restriction of personal freedom, according to our findings, can occur in free choice of employment, establishing social contacts, or free movement of the partner. Many additional socio-pathological phenomena may arise in the upbringing of shared offspring, which may require intervention, for example by OSPOD. For successful entry into such an intercultural family environment, it will likely be useful to reflect on the cultural-religious and social habits of Muslim partners. This is possible only with solid theoretical knowledge of Islam and the norms tied to Muslim society. This should not be understood as suggesting that any intervention in such an environment should be subordinated to norms and customs derived from the partner’s faith. On the contrary, any intervention must be aimed at removing pathological behavior or protecting a person at risk, not at protecting and maintaining Islamic values in this family. Solid knowledge of this environment and its applied norms can, however, help to detect many additional hidden phenomena.
We firmly believe that the results of our research could help navigate such a complex area as an intercultural relationship with a person identifying as Muslim undoubtedly is.
Author: PhDr. Tomáš Cvrček The author has been dealing with Islam and migration for many years, especially within higher education. In his professional practice, the author is often confronted with migration and socio-pathological phenomena in interpersonal relationships.
Previous publication activity of the author:
Cvrček, T. (30 June 2018). Proces integrace migrantů z muslimských zemí do německé společnosti, pohledem českých lékařů a zdravotníků pracujících ve Spolkové republice Německo. Analýza rozhovorů. [online]. [accessed 2019-01-08].,Prohuman.cz.Dostupné z: https://www.prohuman.sk/zdravotnictvo/proces-integrace-migrantu-z-muslimskych-zemi-do-nemecke-spolecnosti-pohledem-ceskych-zdravoniku-v-nemecku
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Cvrček, T. (30 June 2018). Proces integrace migrantů z muslimských zemí do německé společnosti, pohledem českých lékařů a zdravotníků pracujících ve Spolkové republice Německo. Analýza rozhovorů. [online]. [accessed 2019-01-08], Prohuman.cz. Dostupné z: https://www.prohuman.sk/zdravotnictvo/proces-integrace-migrantu-z-muslimskych-zemi-do-nemecke-spolecnosti-pohledem-ceskych-zdravoniku-v-nemecku
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Bezoušková, L. (2013). Islámské rodinné právo se zaměřením na právo manželské. Praha: Leges, s.r.o. ISBN 978-80-87576-55-7.
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