Experience "for sale"

In 2000, our small Central European country became the thirtieth member of the OECD - the club of the richest countries in the world. In other words, she became a member of a club that has a moral and ultimately also a real co-responsibility for the further development of the "less" rich. In 2004, it underlined its success by becoming a member of the community of the world's largest donor – the EU. Even twenty years ago, we could only dream about it.

It cost us all a lot. A number of conditions had to be met and entire packages of reforms had to be introduced, which, by the way, were also praised by the World Bank in 2005. She called Slovakia a reform leader. And despite the fact that not everything succeeded as it should, or it could be that a lot still needs to be fine-tuned and improved, the shift to the better was and is inevitable. Slovakia has reached a completely different level not only in the area of economic development, but also in the area of its position on the geopolitical map...

But let's go back a few years.

Bad start

Political development and, hand in hand, economic development went through several bitter and less bitter phases after the fall of the period called "socialism". Initially, it was largely the result of a period of one-party rule (many would argue the right one) and all that it left behind in us, the citizens and hopeful participants of the capitalist labor market and democratic social order.

The federation fell apart and Slovakia remained in the middle of Europe with a strange political representation, with a gloomy vision of economic growth and not quite clear or a comprehensive idea of ​​your further future. GDP itself fell by 25% (and it took up to 10 years to reach the value of 1989, although it must be noted that its quality was of course different then, since it was later largely generated by private companies). The economy went through shock therapy, which in the end brought some kind of revival of foreign and domestic demand, but did not bring structural reforms.

Especially after "independence", there was a period of setting short-term "goals", lacking structural, institutional or democratic and political changes. State assets were privatized by friends, family members and loyalists who had friends and family members and loyalists with the government of the day. Even as consumption grew, the economy was de facto artificially maintained, fiscal policy was irresponsible, and the socialist industrial infrastructure was preserved. Corruption and the absolutist power of government officials grew significantly.

Thanks to this, we got into a situation where not only the EU, NATO, or OECD did not want us, but slowly even our closest friends. It was necessary to admit (and now I mean the citizens) that Slovakia is going in the wrong direction, that what we have chosen is really dysfunctional and we need to come up with something new and modernizing. Otherwise, it could easily happen that the country will stagnate, or even fall to a point where it is difficult to get out. This vision of an unflattering future for a country in need of development aid contributed to the victory of the pro-reform coalition in the 1998 elections. Its main driving element was mainly the return of Slovakia to the path of integration into the EU. To catch up and maybe even overtake those who were long ahead of us at that time...

We already know that it works

Instant transformation as such is not and will not be easy anywhere. And it wasn't like that with us either. It is not just a "copy-paste" of political and economic models that worked elsewhere, especially when they all assumed the existence of a functioning market and political culture, which we have only just begun to discover.

Every transformation is indefinite, reforms affect each other (positively and negatively), bring with them recession, unemployment, decline in living standards and are connected with different ideas and interests of individual political groups. This is also why it requires a combination of determination, sympathy and especially awareness of the population and a strong, determined government that would be able to carry out reforms and modernization and communicate its initial negative manifestations.

Coincidentally, such a constellation occurred in Slovakia by some strange coincidence, and reforms began to be implemented at the end of the 1990s. The big ones came in two waves. In the first wave, basic reforms were carried out, which brought about a more responsive macroeconomic policy. Budget expenditures were limited, privatization and reforms began. In the second phase, superstructure reforms began, which fine-tuned and accelerated the implemented ones.

All this moved Slovakia to a completely different level of development and allowed it to be included among the "developed" countries - economically and politically. A country that once received aid from others has also become a country that now provides development aid to others.

Experience to help others

Thanks to its political and economic reforms, Slovakia has become one of the states in which the political and socio-economic conditions are relatively stable and democratic. It is important to pass on all experiences – positive and negative – to those who are interested in them. If there is such an interest (and there is), it is our duty, in my opinion.

The very first analysis mapping Slovakia's potential in providing development aid, prepared by MESA 10 in 2003, identified the "transfer of transformational experiences" as the number 1 area where Slovakia could help the most. The authors identified the need for democratization and building a functioning economy in the countries that receive aid as one of the basic prerequisites for providing more effective aid in other areas as well. Of course, it is also one of the prerequisites for their further growth and expansion of the list of promising future funders who can push the aid a little further.

This is also why the projects of building democratic institutions, civil society and the market environment became part of the so-called official development aid (ODA), which is financed from the state budget. Until today, these projects make up approximately a quarter of all development aid projects provided by Slovakia.

The projects were implemented by governmental and non-governmental organizations. The high involvement of non-governmental organizations in this form of aid is logical. In the process of our democratization, they played a very active role, acting as advocates of change and many times significantly participating in the changes by creating strategic materials and concepts. They focused mainly on education, qualified information and transfer of know-how, building institutions, expert capacities and discussion and publication platforms or mobilization. For all of them, the most prominent and active ones can be mentioned: SFPA, Pontis, CENAA, NISPACEE, AINOVA, EAC, SAC, IVO, CEP, Občianske oko.

Territorially, the projects very naturally covered our immediate surroundings – countries with which we share a similar post-socialist political and economic environment (albeit, of course, variously distorted), a similar character of non-democracy, or cultural and linguistic proximity (although perhaps a more appropriate name would be cultural and linguistic understanding). In other words, the Western Balkans and the countries that we now include in the set called the Eastern Partnership.

Since 2011, the transfer of transformational experiences has been an official element in Slovak ODA. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs introduced a new modality for the implementation of this instrument. There are still classic calls for submission of projects, in which Slovak governmental, non-governmental, self-governing, academic or business entities that think they have something to say about the topic can participate. What is new is the creation of the Center for Transfer of Experience from Integration and Reforms (CETIR), which will operate within the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Its goal is to accelerate and improve the development of the countries of the Western Balkans and the Eastern Partnership through professional exchange, information about the EU and advice in decision-making processes, especially at the intergovernmental level.

Before we "forget"

Transformational aid is currently "in" in Europe, and we should therefore not remain "out". The EU institutions consider the transformational experiences of the new member countries and their integration into the system of development assistance as an important element. During the Czech presidency of the EU, the European Commission initiated the creation of the so-called European transformation compendium. It is like a list of experiences of those transformed to share with those who want to transform. It is good if our transformational aid is coordinated with the European aid, complementing each other so that we reach a common goal with the recipient countries as well.

We must also remember that any development projects can only be successful if the environment is acceptable. Without the happy combination of a government capable of implementing change and an intellectual and activist "cell" that will mobilize the population to press for change, so that they are willing to skip even the painful passages of change, it probably won't work.

We know from our own experience that we will be moving in an environment in which either a centrally planned economy or a distorted market, associated with undemocratic or even autocratic leadership, the shifted thinking and actions of political or other elites have left a deep scar on the inhabitants. It is manifested in their values, thinking, ethics.

We will encounter different perceptions of the new "class" division of society, but also different quality of public debate, professional awareness or the quality of receiving information content. And due to the need for political, social, economic, but also "cultural" change, these are crucial for understanding the situation. Reforms mainly require the interest and understanding of those whose lives they will affect. They claim ownership of them. Those affected must understand that their very existence depends both on themselves and on the degree and correctness of their "public" service.

Our goal is to contribute with our experience to ensure that all socio-economic and political processes in the recipient countries are directed towards stability, democracy, the rule of law and the economic prosperity of the majority. We have the experience to do it, and practice has shown that if we do it, we do it well, purposefully and efficiently, leaving an imaginary Slovak footprint everywhere.

Unfortunately, we are running out of those who could also present their direct experience, and our experience thus begins to lose the stamp of authenticity. In a short time it may happen that we will be mediating Slovak experiences. From my own experience, I can say that it is increasingly difficult to find a person/expert who was either in the reform of our system or in the negotiations about our entry into the EU and who would be willing to share his experience. Institutional memory is weak and there are fewer and fewer people who were "there" and are available. Some are politicians today, others hold higher positions in Brussels with a different agenda, and there are also those who have changed their profession completely.

That is also why it is good that mechanisms are being created on the part of the government institution, which will try to brush off the hallmark of the originality of the Slovak experience of change. Perhaps the mediation of this experience does not have to be limited to the list of countries of the Western Balkans and the Eastern Partnership, but let it be recognizable by sector. It would be worth giving her a kind of "trade mark".

The Slovak modernization process is mainly connected with our integration into Euro-Atlantic structures. Such was his motive, campaign and, thanks to integration, the result. Slovakia wanted to be part of the successful group and did everything to achieve it. It had a view, a goal and a perspective. This is also why our help is so warmly received in the Balkans. All countries that want to transform should have a similar vision of a well-governed society and an attractive future, and they should know which country/s would help them achieve it. The Czech transformation policy is a policy of supporting human rights and democracy. What should ours be?

The article was published in the Development Aid - Spring 2011 newsletter. It is published by Platforma mimovládnych rozvojových organizácií (MVRO), which is an association of legal entities - an umbrella organization of 31 (23 regular members and 8 observers) Slovak non-governmental organizations that deal mainly with foreign development and humanitarian aid.