Introduction

The motivation of the unemployed is a complex and dynamic phenomenon that cannot be reduced solely to economic incentives or administrative pressure from the state. This process is influenced by a wide range of factors – psychological, social, cultural, and economic – and is directly related to the willingness of job seekers to actively engage in job searching, retraining, and thus the success of their reintegration into the labor market (Deci, Ryan, 2000a; Maslow, 1943).

Research on the motivation of job seekers has traditionally focused on macro-level indicators such as unemployment statistics, economic incentives, and the effectiveness of labor market policies. For example, Radonić, Milosavljević, and Knežević (2021) show that macroeconomic factors, such as projected economic growth, significantly influence the intensity of job searching. Practical insight is provided primarily by the daily experience of employment agency officers who work directly with individual job seekers. This aspect is relatively under-researched, particularly regarding the internal and individual aspects of clients' motivation, their subjective experience of barriers, and the dynamics of motivational change over time.

Job seekers' motivation arises from the interaction of internal and external factors. Intrinsic motivation is supported by a sense of meaningfulness of activities, personal development, competence, and autonomy (Deci, Ryan, 2000). External factors, such as the availability of jobs, family and social background, legislative conditions, or access to education, can either support or weaken motivation.

Barriers to motivation can be divided into individual, organizational, and structural categories. Individual barriers include low self-confidence, lack of skills, health limitations, or psychological blocks such as feelings of hopelessness or learned helplessness. Learned helplessness is a psychological state in which an individual, after repeated exposure to negative events, believes they have no power to change their situation, even though opportunities for change often exist. This state leads to passivity, reduced motivation, and feelings of hopelessness, which can persist even when circumstances allow for change (Nickerson, 2024). Organizational barriers relate to the mismatch between the job seeker's competencies and employer requirements or rigid working conditions. Structural barriers reflect the broader context – regional differences in job opportunities, discrimination, transportation infrastructure, or legislative conditions (Hall, Hickox, Kuan, Sung, 2017; Majo, Štefánik, 2016).

A lack of social capital – a limited network of contacts, low trust, and an absence of mutual support – can lead to the isolation of job seekers and reduce their motivation (Putnam, 2000). Psychological factors, such as feelings of failure, fear of rejection, or low self-esteem, can foster passivity and resignation. Conversely, active support, mentoring, and regular feedback increase intrinsic motivation and the job seeker's ability to overcome barriers (Radonić et al., 2021).

The aim of this article is to analyze the motivation and barriers of the unemployed from the perspective of employment agency officers and to identify key factors influencing the success of job seekers' reintegration into the labor market. The research focuses on identifying key individual motivational factors of job seekers, determining the barriers that most significantly affect their motivation, and examining the role of employment agency officers in job placement and supporting reintegration into the labor market.

Motivational Mechanisms of Job Seekers in Reintegration into the Labor Market

The motivation of the unemployed to return to the labor market is the result of a dynamic interaction between external and internal factors. These factors can be psychological, social, and environmental in nature and fundamentally influence an individual's willingness to actively engage in job searching or further education.

According to the self-determination theory by Deci and Ryan (2000), intrinsic motivation arises when an individual perceives their activities as meaningful, supporting their personal development and providing a sense of competence and autonomy. In the context of unemployment, this means that a person is willing to invest time and energy into job searching or retraining, even when immediate results are not visible.

Job seekers' motivation is also influenced by individual experiences, social background, and level of education. Programs aimed at strengthening personal competencies and self-worth, such as "Building Bridges to Education" in Denmark, show high success rates in reintegrating the long-term unemployed (European Commission, 2015). Social capital, defined as a network of contacts, trust, and mutual support, significantly facilitates access to job opportunities and increases job seekers' motivation (Putnam, 2000). Individuals with a limited network of contacts are more likely to experience weakened motivation due to feelings of isolation and failure.

The dynamics of motivation are not linear. Job seekers with previous experience of long-term unemployment may exhibit a decline in motivation, which is related to the psychological concepts of burnout and learned helplessness (Nickerson, 2024). Conversely, individuals involved in active employment programs show higher intrinsic motivation (Putnam, 2000).

Psychological barriers are also related to the perception of the labor market. Negative psychological factors, such as feelings of failure, low self-esteem, or fear of rejection, can significantly reduce motivation and lead to passivity (Nickerson, 2024). Economic factors, such as the availability of jobs or access to supplementary education, directly influence job seekers' motivation. Financial support, for example unemployment benefits, provides basic stability but may reduce the pressure to actively seek work (Vroom, 1964).

The interaction of psychological, social, and economic factors is key to understanding motivation. A lack of social support can amplify the psychological feeling of failure, while economic uncertainty can reduce the willingness to invest in retraining. Employment agency officers play an important role in identifying these interactions and proposing individual strategies to support motivation.

In Denmark, active labor market policies are implemented that include various measures to support the unemployed. These policies focus on providing educational opportunities, vocational training, and job search support. The Danish economy invests significant resources to maintain employment and promote social mobility.

Mentoring plays a key role in the process of reintegrating the unemployed into the education system and the labor market. The "Building Bridges to Education" program in Denmark provides participants with a mentor who supports them throughout the program and helps them choose courses and internships. This approach increases participants' motivation and their chances of successful integration into mainstream education and employment. The Building Bridges to Education program is implemented in 12 Danish municipalities, in cooperation with 44 vocational schools and 52 local Public Employment Services (PES). It has the structure of so-called bridging courses, which typically last approximately 15 weeks. In addition to the courses themselves, participants also complete internships, preparatory teaching modules (e.g., in basic literacy and numeracy), and are assigned a personal mentor who accompanies them throughout the entire process (EUMonitor, 2017).

Barriers Faced by the Unemployed and Their Context in Employment Policy

Barriers in the labor market represent a phenomenon that extends beyond the individual abilities of job seekers and reflects shortcomings in the design of employment policy.

Among the most significant obstacles to returning to the labor market are low levels of qualification, age discrimination, health limitations, regional inequalities, and prejudice against marginalized groups. In academic studies, these obstacles are often systematically divided into categories of individual, social (organizational), and structural factors (Cedefop, 2022; European Commission, 2020).

  • Individual factors include, e.g., low qualifications, health limitations, or personal experiences with discrimination.
  • Social/organizational factors include, e.g., employer prejudices, age discrimination, or discrimination against minorities.
  • Structural factors relate to regional inequalities, the availability of job opportunities, and labor market conditions.

However, the question remains to what extent it can respond to changing labor market trends and the needs of vulnerable groups.

Barriers can significantly reduce motivation. Individual barriers include low qualifications, outdated job skills, health limitations, or psychological factors such as low self-confidence or feelings of hopelessness. Social barriers, such as family commitments or discrimination, can make returning to the labor market difficult. Barriers can be categorized into individual, organizational, and structural. Individual barriers include low self-esteem, fear of failure, or a lack of relevant competencies. The motivation of the unemployed can be significantly affected by several barriers, which in the literature are often systematically divided into three main categories – individual, organizational (or social), and structural (Hall, Hickox, Kuan, Sung, 2017; Majo, Štefánik, 2016).

Individual barriers represent personal characteristics and internal factors that limit the opportunities of job seekers. These include, above all, health limitations, low motivation, low self-esteem, outdated job skills, or a lack of social network. These factors can directly affect job seekers' ability to adapt to labor market requirements and reduce their willingness to actively engage in job searching.

Organizational barriers relate to the mismatch between the job seeker's qualifications and employer requirements or limited opportunities for flexible employment. This may involve a mismatch between the job seeker's competencies and employer requirements, rigid working conditions, or an unwillingness to create flexible forms of employment. These factors can lead to the exclusion of certain groups of job seekers from the labor market, even though they have the potential to be productively engaged.

Structural barriers reflect the broader societal and economic context. They define the regional concentration of jobs, transportation infrastructure, economic cycles, and legislative conditions (Putnam, 2000). These factors are independent of the job seeker themselves, yet fundamentally affect their employment opportunities. For example, if jobs are concentrated only in certain regions, job seekers from other areas face a so-called "geographic mismatch" between job supply and their place of residence, which reduces their chances of employment (OECD, 2020).

According to the integrative model of employment barriers formulated by Hall, Hickox, Kuan, and Sung (2017), these three types of barriers often operate concurrently and interact with one another.

Research indicates that workers from marginalized groups face significant barriers to achieving leadership positions, including discriminatory hiring practices, insufficient support for career development, and prejudice from employers (Catalyst, 2023). This phenomenon highlights the need for implementing inclusive employment policies that focus on removing barriers and promoting equal opportunities for all employees.

Organizational barriers are linked to the environment of employers and institutions. This may involve a mismatch between the job seeker's competencies and employer requirements, rigid working conditions, or an unwillingness to create flexible forms of employment. These factors can lead to the exclusion of certain groups of job seekers from the labor market, even though they have the potential to be productively engaged.

Structural barriers reflect the broader societal and economic context. These include the regional concentration of jobs, inadequate transportation infrastructure, discrimination, legislative conditions, or cyclical economic fluctuations. These factors are independent of the job seeker themselves, yet fundamentally affect their employment opportunities. For example, if jobs are concentrated only in certain regions, job seekers from other areas face a so-called "geographic mismatch" between job supply and their place of residence, which reduces their chances of employment (OECD, 2020).

According to the integrative model of employment barriers formulated by Hall, Hickox, Kuan, and Sung (2017), these three types of barriers often operate concurrently and interact with one another.

Removing barriers requires a systematic approach from both employers and employment policy. A key measure is the introduction of transparent and inclusive recruitment processes, for example anonymized candidate selection and structured interviews with predefined criteria, supplemented by unconscious bias training for HR specialists and managers (Catalyst, 2023).

The experience of employment agency officers highlights the systemic nature of the barriers faced by the unemployed. Key problems include insufficient coordination between employment offices, employers, and educational institutions, which means that offered retraining often does not match current labor market needs. Direct work with clients shows that insufficient support for mental health and psychological well-being significantly affects their motivation and ability to actively engage in the work process. Low self-confidence, feelings of uselessness, or loss of purpose are among the key psychological barriers that hinder the return of the unemployed to the labor market and reduce the effectiveness of employment policy interventions.

Another systemic barrier is the rigidity of legislation, which often complicates the smooth transition from passive support to active employment. Complications in combining social benefits with income from part-time or temporary work can be demotivating and create a so-called employment trap, especially for the long-term unemployed and low-skilled workers.

The most effective employment policies combine macroeconomic and microeconomic approaches. The macro level includes legislative measures, nationwide retraining programs, and financial incentives for employers that support broader engagement of vulnerable groups. The micro level focuses on individual support for job seekers – specific counseling, coaching, individual development plans, and tools to overcome specific barriers.

The Swedish Job and Development Guarantee program (Arbetsförmedlingen, n.d.), where each client is assigned an individual employment plan and provided with regular support, serves as a proven example of an inclusive approach. Canada combines Employment Insurance with targeted support programs that include coaching and career planning, thereby reducing permanent dependency on benefits (OECD, 2020).

The Role of Employment Agency Officers: Competencies, Approaches, and Ethical Issues

Employment agency officers represent a key link between unemployed job seekers and employers. Their role extends beyond the framework of administrative placement and also includes social support. Act No. 5/2004 Coll. on Employment Services, effective from January 1, 2004, provides the basic legal framework for the provision of employment services in Slovakia, defining the duties and competencies of officers in cooperation with employers and clients.

The success of reintegrating the unemployed into the labor market is to a large extent dependent on the competencies and approach of the employment agency officer. The officer should possess not only professional knowledge but also a sensitive, ethical approach that reflects the individual needs of clients and the current demands of the labor market. In this context, theoretical frameworks of social work also find application, such as empowerment theory, which emphasizes strengthening the client's internal resources and autonomy, or the strengths-based approach, which focuses on the individual's strengths and potential rather than their deficits (Saleebey, 1996).

Competencies of the employment agency officer include:

  • Communication and motivational skills: effective communication, active listening, empathy, and the ability to clearly convey information. Client motivation is supported by motivational interviewing techniques (Miller, Rollnick, 2013), which strengthen intrinsic motivation rather than directive persuasion. Motivational interviewing is effectively combined with the strengths-based approach, which builds on the client's strengths (Saleebey, 2006). Both methods complement each other in building self-confidence, autonomy, and active client engagement in the process of returning to the labor market.
  • Diagnostic abilities: assessment of the job seeker's skills, barriers, and potential, serving as a basis for creating an individual plan for returning to the labor market
  • Labor market orientation: knowledge of current employer requirements, sectoral trends, and retraining opportunities enables providing clients with relevant recommendations
  • Ethical competencies: maintaining confidentiality, respecting client autonomy, and avoiding manipulation

The officer's work involves various methodological approaches. Individual career counseling allows the client to articulate goals, barriers, and opportunities, with the officer using career diagnostic techniques, discussion of strengths, and planning steps for returning to the labor market. Motivational interviewing strengthens the client's sense of competence and autonomy and helps identify internal reasons for reintegration. Developmental activities, such as retraining, soft skills training, or volunteer activities, can positively contribute to the client's employability.

Cooperation with employers is critical – officers motivate companies to hire disadvantaged groups and utilize active labor market policy tools (Brown, Lent, 2016).

An individual approach to the client and timely intervention are essential for preventing resignation and reducing the risk of long-term unemployment. Supporting small successes and cooperating with employers play a key role in maintaining the motivation of clients who might otherwise remain on the margins of the labor market long-term.

The job description of employment agency officers represents a complex process that includes individual counseling, motivational interventions, job placement, and cooperation with employers. Individual career counseling provides unemployed job seekers with space to articulate their goals and barriers. Motivational interviewing, developed for work with behavioral change (Miller, Rollnick, 2013), is also effectively applicable when working with the unemployed. Instead of directive advice, attention is given to internal reasons and finding reasons why they should return to the labor market. This strengthens their sense of competence and autonomy. Job placement is a traditional but still essential task that goes beyond the technical forwarding of CVs. Here too, the officer actively prepares the client for interviews, negotiates conditions, and breaks down employer prejudices. Developmental activities include recommendations for retraining or volunteer activities that increase the client's employability. An effective officer understands employers as partners, motivates them to hire disadvantaged groups, and to use active labor market policy tools (Becker, 1993; Bourdieu, 1998; Deci, Ryan, 2000). It is important to create a mutually beneficial relationship where the employer also perceives employment agency officers as equal partners.

Working with the unemployed also presents officers with numerous ethical dilemmas. These involve balancing support for client autonomy with pressure to achieve quantitative indicators, such as the number of clients placed. This can create pressure on both the client and the officers. The dilemma of confidentiality is also important, as clients entrust personal problems, and the officer must determine the boundary between maintaining confidentiality and the obligation to inform the institution if required by law or the protection of the client's interests. With a large number of clients, there is also pressure between efficiency and quality, where the officer must daily find a balance between the quantity and depth of support provided (Hirschi, 2018; Ryan, Deci, 2000).

The officer's role also has a personal and negative dimension – workers often face burnout syndrome due to working with groups with accumulated problems. Peer mentoring and professional reflection on work with clients, support for mental health and psychological hygiene are essential. Last but not least, it is important not to overlook the societal recognition of this profession, which is often undervalued despite its fundamental importance for the functioning of the labor market (Miller, Rollnick, 2013; Hirschi, 2018).

Employment agency officers function as a "bridge between two worlds." On the client side, they help restore motivation, strengthen self-confidence, and find a path to work, with individual counseling and motivational interviewing increasing intrinsic motivation and the client's ability to overcome barriers (Deci, Ryan, 2000; Maslow, 1943). On the other side, when working with employers, the employment agency officer breaks down prejudices and facilitates the hiring of a diverse workforce. At the systemic level, they provide feedback on the effectiveness of labor market measures and improve coordination between offices, educational institutions, and employers (OECD, 2020). This perspective from practice is relatively rare in research, as most studies focus on macro-level analyses of unemployment or statistical evaluation of labor market interventions. The integration of theoretical knowledge with the practical experience of officers enables more effective planning of interventions and support for the reintegration of the unemployed.

Practical Experience of Employment Agency Officers – Identification of Motivational and Demotivational Factors in Clients

The practice of employment agency officers provides a unique perspective not only on motivation and barriers but also on working with the unemployed. Client motivation is dynamic, highly individual, and influenced by a combination of psychological, social, and economic factors (Deci, Ryan, 2000; Maslow, 1943). Each job seeker arrives with their own combination of internal motivators, such as personal ambitions, desire for self-fulfillment, or financial independence, and external barriers – long-term unemployment, low qualifications, family or social pressures, or limited access to education and job opportunities. Employment agency officers in their daily practice point out that these factors intertwine and often create a complex framework that can either support or block client motivation (Bourdieu, 1998; Becker, 1993). A lack of psychological support, a weak social network, or inappropriate legislative constraints can significantly weaken job seekers' willingness to actively engage in the job search process. Individual counseling and motivational interviewing, combined with a strengths-based approach and the principles of empowerment, support the building of client self-confidence and autonomy, thereby contributing to greater engagement and effective reintegration into the labor market (Miller, Rollnick, 2013; Saleebey, 2006).

Such a perspective from practice is relatively rare in research, as most studies focus on macro-level analyses of unemployment or statistical evaluation of labor market interventions. The experience of officers therefore provides valuable information about daily realities that often remain invisible in formal studies. Integrating theoretical knowledge with this practical approach enables the creation of more effective strategies to support the reintegration of the unemployed into the labor market and to account for individual motivational and demotivational factors.

Based on the daily work of officers, the main sources of motivation can be identified:

  • Personal ambitions and goal orientation: job seekers with a clear vision of their career exhibit higher activity in seeking job opportunities (Ryan, Deci, 2000).
  • Family and social support: a stable social background, a motivating family or partner, increases clients' determination and supports discipline in job searching (Putnam, 2000).
  • Financial motivation: economic independence or the need to support a family
  • Personal growth and self-fulfillment: the opportunity for skills development is crucial, supporting self-worth and competitiveness in the labor market (Becker, 1993; Bourdieu, 1998).

Equally significant are the factors that weaken motivation and increase the risk of passivity, so-called barriers and demotivational factors:

  • Long-term unemployment and feelings of failure: Psychological blocks, such as reduced self-confidence and fear of rejection, lead to avoidance of job opportunities (Nickerson, 2024).
  • Low qualifications or outdated skills: A lack of education and practical experience reduces clients' willingness to engage in activities leading to employment (OECD, 2020).
  • Family and social pressures: Caring for children, ill family members, or pressure from the environment can limit the time and energy for active job searching.
  • Economic and logistical barriers: A lack of resources for transportation, food, or retraining can hinder the use of services and support (Hall et al., 2017).

The integration of theoretical frameworks such as the strengths-based approach (Saleebey, 2006) and empowerment theory (Lee, 2013) into the daily practice of officers enables not only more effective planning of interventions but also support for client self-confidence, autonomy, and engagement. The work of officers thus extends beyond traditional job placement and represents a complex process that combines individual counseling, motivational interviews, developmental activities, and cooperation with employers. This interconnected approach allows for responding to the dynamic needs of clients, considering their strengths, and creating sustainable strategies for reintegration into the labor market. At the same time, it reflects the practical realities of the market and emphasizes the importance of a sensitive, ethical, and systematic approach by officers who act as a bridge between the client and the employer, thereby strengthening social inclusion and reducing barriers that might otherwise threaten equal opportunities.

Methodological Framework of the Research

The aim of this pilot research is to analyze the process of reintegrating disadvantaged job seekers into the labor market and to identify the barriers and key factors for successful return to employment. The study focuses on understanding the motivational mechanisms, barriers, and intervention procedures of employment agency officers that influence the effectiveness of client reintegration. The research objectives are defined as follows:

  1. To examine the intrinsic and extrinsic motivation of job seekers from disadvantaged groups in finding employment.
  2. To identify the main barriers (psychological, social, structural) that hinder effective entry or return to the labor market.
  3. To characterize the intervention mechanisms of employment agency officers and their impact on supporting client reintegration.
  4. To formulate recommendations for active labor market policy with an emphasis on individual approach and psychosocial support.

The research sample consisted of selected disadvantaged job seekers: a young graduate (Marek, 19), a parent after parental leave (Jana, 34), a long-term unemployed person (Peter, 45), and an older worker (Milan, 55). The selection of participants was purposive with regard to age, professional profile, and type of barriers, ensuring a deep and contextually rich analysis of individual experiences.

The pilot pre-research allowed for verification of the relevance of the topics, the methodological suitability of the case study approach, and practical applicability.

The research method was case study analysis (Yin, 2018), which enables detailed examination of specific cases and reintegration processes. Each case study provided valuable data on internal motivations, external obstacles, and the effectiveness of intervention mechanisms of employment agency officers. The analysis was based on existing case studies, tracking main themes and patterns of client and officer behavior in the context of labor market reintegration.

The analysis procedure included:

Selection of suitable case studies representing various disadvantaged groups in the labor market- Systematic content and contextual analysis of the case studies- Inductive thematic analysis (Braun, Clarke, 2006) to identify main themes – motivation, barriers, intervention strategies, and effectiveness of support

The integration of theoretical frameworks, such as the strengths-based approach (Saleebey, 2006) and empowerment theory (Lee, 2013), into the daily practice of officers enables not only more effective planning of interventions but also support for client self-confidence, autonomy, and engagement. This approach also ensures that interventions respond to the client's individual strengths, support their active participation in the reintegration process, and account for the practical realities of the labor market. Overall, the methodological framework, based on case study research and thematic analysis, allows for obtaining a deep and contextually rich perspective on the motivation, barriers, and intervention strategies of employment agency officers. The pilot pre-research also provided support for the decision on the topic of the author's dissertation.

Case Studies: Description of Job Seeker Cases

The pilot pre-research identified four representative case studies that allowed for the analysis of the reintegration process of different groups of job seekers into the labor market. The selection of these cases was purposive: it includes a young graduate (Marek, 19), a parent after parental leave (Jana, 34), a long-term unemployed person (Peter, 45), and an older worker (Milan, 55). This selection provides insight into different age categories, types of barriers (psychological, social, structural), and motivational mechanisms.

This methodological choice of case studies has a significant contribution as it allows for detailed tracking of individual client experiences, interactions with employment agency officers, and the practical connection of theoretical frameworks with specific reintegration procedures. Case studies provide deep context not captured by statistical methods and allow for a better understanding of the dynamics of motivation, barriers, and support when entering or returning to the labor market.

Case Study No. 1: Young Secondary School Graduate – Motivation through Personal Goal

Marek (19) completed his studies at a business academy. After graduation, he found himself in a situation where he was not admitted to higher education and at the same time could not immediately find a job.

He described his situation with the words: "After school, I thought the doors to the labor market would be open. Everywhere I read that administrative workers are in demand. But everywhere they wanted experience, which I had nowhere to get yet. When I sent out the first few CVs and got no response, I started wondering if I had even written them correctly. I felt as if I was invisible to employers."

The client's motivation was clearly intrinsic – he desired work and wanted to use the knowledge acquired during his studies. At the same time, however, he faced typical barriers for young graduates: a lack of practical experience, fear of failure in selection procedures, and uncertainty. These factors raised doubts in him about whether he could succeed in the labor market.

"When I went to my first interview, I felt like they saw me more as a child from school than as someone who could bring something. That really unsettled me."

Support for Marek from the employment agency officer consisted of implementing specific steps aimed at strengthening his readiness to enter employment. First, the officer explained to Marek the opportunities offered by active labor market measures – one option was a graduate internship, which is designed precisely for young job seekers without experience. Through the individual work of the employment agency officer, Marek obtained information on how to properly prepare a CV and cover letter, how to communicate with employers, and what to expect and how to prepare for an interview.

Marek also appreciated this support: "What helped me most was when we practiced answers to interview questions with the officer. I wasn't as nervous anymore because I knew what I could say. I felt more confident."

An important element was also the connection to a database of job offers and employers who had experience hiring graduates through graduate internships. Thanks to these opportunities, Marek got the chance to apply for a position at a small shipping company that used projects to support young job seekers.

Within a short time, he started a paid graduate internship, where he learned basic work procedures, gained experience, and at the same time acquired the self-confidence needed for further selection processes. As he said: "At first I was afraid I would make mistakes. But my colleagues gave me space to learn, and I gradually gained confidence. What pleased me most was when my supervisor said she could rely on me."

Subsequently, with the first practical experience on his CV, he obtained a job as an invoice clerk.

As he himself noted: "The graduate internship was my gateway into the working world. I stopped being just a graduate without experience and gained my first contact with a real environment, which I see as an important experience before full employment. Now I know that it works step by step."

This case shows that the motivation of young graduates entering the labor market is often very strong, but also vulnerable when confronted with employer requirements. Barriers associated with a lack of experience cannot be overcome solely through individual effort. Therefore, institutional measures that allow young people to gain their first work experience, for example through graduate internships, are crucial. The role of officers also lies in their ability to guide these young people toward suitable active labor market policy tools and help them prepare for entry into real working life and connect with employers.

Case Study No. 2: Parent after Parental Leave and Economic Motivation

Jana (34) decided to return to the labor market after finishing parental leave. Her primary motivation was the economic stability of the family, as the household budget became insufficient with a single income. "From my perspective as a mother, the biggest problem is balancing work and family. I don't want to neglect my child, but I also don't want to stay at home without an income."

After finishing parental leave, Jana faced several challenges typical for parents returning to the labor market after a longer break. The main obstacle was the lack of childcare availability during working hours, which significantly limited her options when choosing suitable employment. "I feel that if I can't arrange full-day kindergarten, doors to many jobs close for me immediately."

Another barrier was the gradual weakening of work skills after several years away from the work environment, a feeling of uncertainty, and fear about whether she could keep up with current labor market demands. "When I opened job ads and saw that everywhere they wanted knowledge of various programs and applications, I felt like I had stood still and that I no longer had what it takes."

The third factor that complicated the client's return to employment, according to her own words, was the fear of combining work and family responsibilities. "I'm afraid I won't be able to handle everything at once. If I'm at work, I'll feel guilty about neglecting my child. If I stay home, I'll feel guilty about leaving my partner with all the financial responsibility."

These barriers highlight the complexity of the situation for parents whose motivation to work is strong but may remain unused without addressing practical obstacles.

The employment agency officer worked individually with the client and focused on finding solutions that would allow her to reconcile parental responsibilities with work ambitions. As part of individual counseling, the client was provided with information about flexible employment options, including part-time positions, reduced working hours, or the possibility of working from home. "I didn't even realize that there are companies here that offer flexible working hours. It gave me hope that it doesn't all have to be about compromises and sacrificing family."

The next step was support in planning retraining, where the officer recommended cooperation with the counseling department regarding the possibility of completing a retraining course focused on computer skills, especially in MS Office and email work. Completing this retraining course significantly strengthened her self-confidence when applying for administrative positions and opened up new opportunities. "During the course, I realized that I can learn new things even after years. I stopped being afraid of the computer and started to believe that I have something to offer."

Based on these steps, within 4 months after completing the retraining course, the client managed to find a part-time job with flexible working hours in the administrative field. The new employment allowed her not only to secure additional income but also to gain a sense of personal fulfillment. "I found out that it can be done. I work, I have an income, and at the same time I can balance work and family life without problems. Now I know that I too can be a contributor, not just a mom on leave."

This case clearly shows that the economic motivation of parents after parental leave is strong, but not sufficient on its own. Without targeted solutions to external barriers, such as childcare, flexible working hours, or skills upgrading, the return to employment would be significantly limited and slowed. The officer's role in this case consisted of facilitating practical solutions, individual counseling, and strengthening the client's self-confidence.

Case Study No. 3: Long-term Unemployed Person and Weakened Motivation

Peter (45) had been registered as unemployed for 12 months, thus becoming long-term unemployed. Repeated rejections when applying for jobs significantly negatively affected his self-confidence and attitude toward job opportunities. In a personal statement, he said: "After so many rejections, I don't even believe anyone will hire me anymore. I feel useless, literally like a second-class citizen. Every day when I opened my computer and looked for job postings, I felt like I was eliminated in advance. I lacked experience with new systems, and when I compared that to the requirements in the ads, I felt it was hopeless."

Analysis of his situation revealed several obstacles typical for long-term unemployed individuals. The main barriers included a lack of job skills, technological limitations that made working with modern information systems difficult, and social isolation resulting from a prolonged distance from the work environment and interaction with colleagues. "I used to be sociable, but after a year at home I started avoiding people. I was ashamed when they asked me where I worked."

These circumstances significantly reduced his motivation and limited his ability to systematically and actively engage in the job search process.

The employment agency officer approached this with a systematic and gradual process that combined professional counseling with methods for strengthening psychological resilience. The first step was to identify his interest and focus regarding the desired profession. Peter showed interest in professions involving travel and driving, while possessing practical skills such as independently solving minor technical problems on his own car.

The client's skills were a suitable entry point. "For the first time in a long time, I felt that someone saw my strengths, not just my shortcomings."

Subsequently, small, realistic, and achievable goals were set to restore lost self-confidence. These included gradually re-establishing a daily routine, practicing filling out a CV. The officer also proposed a retraining course in a shortage occupation – bus driver. "I was afraid that I couldn't learn new things anymore, that I was too old for it. But in the end, I found out that it works – just slower, but it works."

Through the gradual implementation of these steps, Peter was able to restore his motivation and gain a positive attitude toward job opportunities. "I started to believe that it makes sense. Every small success, for example when I passed a mid-course test, gave me the drive to keep trying."

The result was not only a change in his self-confidence but also successfully obtaining a job as a bus driver, where he could use his interest and the new skills acquired during retraining. "When I held the employment contract in my hand, I felt my dignity returning. I no longer feel like a second-class citizen, but like someone who has value."

This case illustrates that for the long-term unemployed, strengthening the sense of usefulness and systematic restoration of competencies are key factors for a successful return to the labor market. It also highlights the importance of combining practical and psychological interventions to overcome demotivation and social isolation associated with long-term unemployment.

Case Study No. 4: Older Worker and Inner Values

Milan (55) lost his job after the closure of the company where he had worked for twenty years as a project coordinator. His motivation to look for a new job was not primarily based on financial reasons but on the inner conviction that he wanted to remain active and useful: "I don't just want to sit at home. I have experience that could still be valuable for future generations, especially for young people."

However, when searching for employment, he faced several barriers. First, he had to overcome employer prejudices against workers over 50, who are often considered less flexible and harder to adapt to new technologies. Milan expressed this with the words: "At interviews, I felt like they had already written me off just because I'm older. As if experience was more of a minus than an advantage."

Long-term practice in one company also meant that his digital skills were not up to date, which represented another obstacle. "I started asking myself whether I still had anything to offer in the labor market."

The employment agency officer therefore first conducted an analysis of his strengths and work history. It turned out that Milan's forte was his ability to mentor young people, organize work, plan, and solve problems in complex projects. Based on this, the officer recommended that he get involved in volunteer mentoring programs. "When I started passing on experience to younger people, I found that it re-energized me. Suddenly I felt like I was still needed."

In parallel, he completed free online workshops focused on presenting competencies – from CV and cover letter to preparation for job interviews. Thanks to this, he was able to better demonstrate that his experience was a competitive advantage: "I learned to talk about my achievements in a way that made them appear as my strength, not as something outdated." Together with the employment agency officer, they set small, gradually achievable goals that strengthened the client's self-confidence and restored motivation.

The result was that Milan obtained a consultant position in an administrative firm, where he primarily focuses on mentoring younger colleagues: "My greatest joy comes from seeing young people learn from me and use it in their work." In this way, he became a valuable team member and regained a sense of usefulness.

This case study shows that intrinsic motivation combined with personal values can overcome external barriers when supported by a systematic approach and the gradual setting of realistic goals.

Table 1: Comparison of Case Studies of Disadvantaged Job Seekers in the Labor Market: Motivation, Barriers, and Officer Interventions

The table allows for a systematic comparison of motivation, barriers, and officer interventions across age and social groups.

A brief synthesis of the case studies shows that although the motivation of job seekers varies – from an inner goal, through economic needs, to inner values – all face specific barriers. The young graduate struggled with a lack of experience, the parent after parental leave with a combination of work and family responsibilities, the long-term unemployed person with a loss of self-confidence and digital skills, and the older worker with employer prejudices and outdated skills. A common element is the need for individual support and appropriately targeted intervention measures that enable their gradual return to the labor market.

Analysis and Interpretation of Results from the Case Studies

The integration of disadvantaged groups into the labor market represents a complex social and economic problem requiring a multidimensional approach. A successful return to employment depends not only on the individual motivation of the job seeker but also on the ability to overcome structural, organizational, and psychological barriers. This study analyzes the case studies of clients within a pilot research project representing different groups of disadvantaged job seekers: a young graduate (Marek, 19), a parent after parental leave (Jana, 34), a long-term unemployed person (Peter, 45), and an older worker (Milan, 55). The aim is to identify common determinants of successful reintegration and to characterize barriers and mechanisms for overcoming them.

The analysis is based on a detailed examination of the submitted case studies of clients of employment agency officers, taking into account direct client statements, officer observations during interventions, and documented support steps. This approach made it possible to track individual trajectories of reintegration into employment and identify mechanisms that contributed to successfully overcoming structural, psychological, and social barriers. Inductive thematic analysis was used, allowing for the identification of categories of motivation, barriers, and intervention mechanisms.

The analysis of the case studies showed that intrinsic motivation is a central determinant of activation and persistence in the job search process. Marek (19) emphasized the need for practical self-fulfillment and gaining initial work experience: "After school, I thought the doors to the labor market would be open... I felt as if I was invisible to employers." Jana (34) was motivated by economic stability and a sense of personal responsibility: "The biggest problem is balancing work and family. I don't want to neglect my child, but I also don't want to stay at home without an income." Peter (45) reflected on the loss of self-confidence and the desire to restore a sense of self-worth: "After so many rejections, I don't even believe anyone will hire me anymore. I feel useless, literally like a second-class citizen." Milan (55) declared motivation arising from inner values and the need to remain active: "I don't just want to sit at home. I have experience that could still be valuable for future generations, especially for young people." All cases show that motivation is multifactorial – encompassing economic, psychological, and value components, with intrinsic motivators being key to overcoming barriers.

Barriers to reintegration can be systematically divided into three main dimensions.

External barriers included a lack of experience (Marek), unavailability of flexible childcare (Jana), technological backwardness and lack of qualifications (Peter, Milan), and employer prejudice against age (Milan).

Psychological barriers included reduced self-confidence (Peter), feelings of invisibility (Marek), fear of not meeting expectations (Jana), and uncertainty about one's own value in the labor market (Milan). Social barriers manifested as isolation from the collective (Peter) or limited contact with the work environment after parental leave (Jana). Direct client statements document the subjective impact of these barriers on motivation.

All case studies confirm that successful reintegration requires a combination of practical and psychological interventions. Key mechanisms included analysis of strengths and work history with identification of competencies suitable for the labor market (Peter, Milan), setting gradual and realistic goals to restore self-confidence (Peter, Milan, Marek), skills and experience development through retraining courses, graduate internships, or professional counseling programs (Marek, Jana, Milan, Peter), and psychological support, including coaching and job interview simulations (Marek, Peter). Client statements illustrate the effectiveness of these interventions: Marek stated: "At first I was afraid I would make mistakes. But my colleagues gave me space to learn, and I gradually gained confidence." Jana added: "It gave me hope that it doesn't all have to be about compromises and sacrificing family." Peter noted: "I started to believe that it makes sense. Every small success gave me the drive to keep trying." Milan remarked: "When I started passing on experience to younger people, I found that it re-energized me."

Common determinants of success include a combination of intrinsic motivators and external practical solutions, an individual approach by the employment agency officer with an emphasis on gradual restoration of competencies and acquisition of practical experience, as well as alignment of work tasks with personal interests, which supports the maintenance of motivation.

Empirical analysis suggests that the reintegration of disadvantaged job seekers requires a comprehensive approach that transcends purely economic and formal dimensions of the labor market. Individual interventions combining psychological support and competency development are also indispensable for eliminating the negative consequences of previous failures, prejudices, or technological backwardness. The case study analysis provides empirical evidence that successful return to the labor market is determined by the interaction between intrinsic motivation, targeted barrier resolution, and systematic support. These findings support the concept of a comprehensive active labor market policy that integrates skills development and mentoring strategies as essential tools when working with disadvantaged clients.

According to Kluve (2010), who analyzed the effectiveness of European active labor market programs, the success of these measures depends on an appropriate combination of practical tools (e.g., retraining) and psychosocial support, which helps job seekers overcome barriers such as low self-confidence or social isolation. Employment agency officers also play a significant role in this process, providing not only administrative but also social support. Officers act not only as intermediaries for job opportunities, but also as counselors who identify individual client strengths and set realistic goals for clients.

Table 2: Overview of Barriers and Interventions of the Employment Agency Officer across Case Studies

Discussion of Results and Recommendations for Employment Policy

The study "Aktivní politika zaměstnanosti se zaměřením na znevýhodněné a dlouhodobě nezaměstnané v České republice v období pandemie covidu-19" (Potluka, Dytrych, 2023) examines the effectiveness of active employment policy tools in integrating disadvantaged and long-term unemployed job seekers into the labor market. The authors analyze how individual factors, such as job seeker motivation, together with structural labor market conditions and the implementation of active employment policy tools, influence the success of reintegration for these groups. The case study analysis showed that intrinsic motivation is key for activation and persistence in the job search process, with its effect being amplified by targeted external support.

For the young graduate (Marek, 19), the first work experience through a graduate internship was crucial (Patton, 2015). For the parent after parental leave (Jana, 34), it was shown that economic motivation alone is not enough – returning to employment is limited without flexible working conditions and skills upgrading. The long-term unemployed person (Peter, 45) faced psychological barriers that systematic officer intervention helped to overcome. The older worker (Milan, 55) managed to overcome employer prejudices and technological barriers thanks to mentoring and skills updating.

Barriers are multifactorial: external (lack of experience, technological backwardness, family commitments), psychological (low self-confidence, feeling of invisibility, fear of failure), and social (isolation, limited contacts). The success of reintegration depends on a combination of practical solutions (retraining, graduate internships, flexible working arrangements), psychological support, and an individual approach by officers, in line with national active labor market policy programs of the Slovak Republic (Patton, 2015).

International studies support the need for a comprehensive approach, individually tailored programs, and psychosocial support (European Commission, 2020; OECD, 2021). The employment agency officer plays a key role as an intermediary, mentor, and facilitator of competency development, in accordance with Slovak legislation.

Key Facts:

  1. Intrinsic motivation is the foundation of job seeker activation, amplified by external interventions- Barriers are multifactorial: psychological, social, and external- Individual approach by officers (counseling, step planning, interview simulations) increases reintegration chances- A combination of practical and psychological support is key for all disadvantaged groups- Active labor market policy programs in the Slovak Republic (retraining, graduate internships, flexible forms of work) are effective

Recommendations for Practice:

  1. Expand and make attractive practical opportunities for young graduates – graduate internships, traineeships, and employer-supported projects through labor market measures (Patton, 2015)- Promote flexible working arrangements and availability of childcare for parents after parental leave- Make psychological support and individual approach accessible for the long-term unemployed to restore self-confidence, motivation, and social contacts- Support unemployed people over 50 through mentoring and updating digital competencies, while respecting individual values and their experience (Braun, Clarke, 2006)- Strengthen the role of employment agency officers as key intermediaries of a comprehensive and individual approach to job seekers, in accordance with Slovak legislation (Patton, 2015). >

Conclusion

Research on the motivation and barriers of the unemployed in returning to the labor market from the perspective of employment agency officers provides a unique view of the mechanisms of reintegration, emphasizing the mutual interaction of individual, social, and economic factors. The analysis of qualitative data showed that the motivation of the unemployed is shaped not only by economic incentives, such as salary expectations or job stability, but also by psychological aspects including self-assessment, personal resilience, internal goals, and previous employment experiences. Job seekers who faced repeated failures often exhibit resignation, a lack of confidence in their own abilities, or fear of changes in the work environment, which significantly reduces their engagement in the job search process.

The identified barriers are divided into subjective – psychological and motivational obstacles such as fear, demotivation, or low self-esteem – and objective – structural and environmental factors such as lack of qualifications, health limitations, family or social responsibilities, and insufficient availability of suitable jobs. The findings confirm that these barriers often act synergistically, meaning that even a relatively minor obstacle can significantly affect a job seeker's overall ability to successfully reintegrate into the labor market.

The key contribution of the article is the emphasis on the central role of employment agency officers. Officers function not only as intermediaries of job opportunities but also as facilitators of motivation, mentors, and coordinators of individual job seeker needs with employer requirements. Their support includes providing accurate information about employment opportunities, actively motivating job seekers, developing practical skills, and intervening to overcome specific barriers.

The research results have significant implications for practice and employment policy formulation. For employment services, it is essential to implement individually tailored programs that combine skills assessment, competency development, and addressing social or health barriers. In addition, systematic cooperation between officers, employers, and policymakers is needed to create a supportive ecosystem that increases the chances of the long-term unemployed for stable employment.

The results support the assumption that effective labor market measures must be holistic, flexible, and adaptable to individual needs.

The overall conclusion thus indicates that successful reintegration of the unemployed is the result of the interconnection of personal motivation, effective mediation by officers, and systematic support from the labor market. Such an approach not only increases individuals' chances of employment but also contributes to reducing long-term unemployment and strengthens the effectiveness of active employment measures.

Author: PhDr. Daniela Lorko Praznovská The author has worked for almost seven years in the field of job placement and counseling, connecting client needs with employers and the labor market. During her practice, she has gained professional insight into the functioning of the labor market. She wants to transfer her experience into education and support people in finding their place in the labor market. At the same time, she considers lifelong learning to be key.

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