The issue of violence against women in Slovakia from the perspective of social work practice – quantitative verification of facts

Violence against Slovak women from the point of view of social work practice – quantitative verification facts Abstract: The main goal of the research article is to summarize and complete quantitative knowledge concerning the issue of violence committed against women in Slovakia from the perspective of social work practice. A quantitative research strategy was used in the methodology. Several quantitative research objectives were established and linked to age, frequency of violence in intimate relationships, employment of abused women, the ability of abused women to make decisions, medical intervention, number of children of abused women, and criminal liability of abusive men. The research sample consisted of women who became victims of domestic violence by an intimate partner, in a total of 88 participants. The research method was a self-constructed questionnaire. The study results confirmed several significant family and social relationships connected to gender-based violence, specifically violence against women. Key words: Violence against women. Intimate partner violence. Quantitative research. Social work and social worker. Abstract: The general aim of this research article is the summarization and completion of the quantitative findings on the issue of violence against Slovak women from the perspective of social work practice. In the methodology, a quantitative research strategy was used. Multiple quantitative research goals were set, connected with age, frequency of intimate-violence occurrence, employment of abused women, the decision-making ability of abused women, medical intervention, number of abused women’s children, and bringing abusive men to criminal responsibility. The research sample included women who were victims of abused men, in the number of 88. The research method was a questionnaire of our own construction. The results of the research showed that several significant family and social links connected to violence against women problems are significant. Key words: Violence against women. Intimate partner violence. Quantitative research. Social work and social worker.

Introduction The phenomenon of violence itself has accompanied humanity, according to Papáček (2017), since the very beginning of its existence. During history, it is possible to observe different motives for violent behaviour and aggression. In the very beginnings of humankind, it was about so-called self-preservation instinct, that is, the preservation of the individual’s own existence, which in some cases appeared as violent behaviour. The stronger person had a higher probability of survival. Likewise, it was easiest to impose one’s opinion and will in the community through violence and aggression. The issue of violence committed against women, that is, the issue of gender-based violence, was in the distant past taboo and a private matter of individual households, as evidenced also by the claim by Gřivna et al. (2014). In the last four decades, however, this has changed to a societal-level problem. Non-governmental organisations, so-called women’s organisations, played a decisive role in this change, with the main goal of helping abused women. Their attention has focused, and still focuses, on alerting both professionals and the wider public to the scale of domestic and intimate-partner violence and its consequences. These organizations, as well as practitioners, point to the need to eliminate and even prevent this socio-pathological phenomenon, which is associated with the family environment. Intervention after abuse is also a specific area that requires the creation of multidisciplinary teams so that all areas affecting a woman’s life at both inner (psychological) and outer (social) levels can be addressed. All actors in the fight against this harmful phenomenon emphasize, in debates and social activities, the need to change societal attitudes toward the occurrence of domestic violence in Slovakia in general. Societal attitude has a significant role in enabling positive change in this case. The current state of domestic violence indicates that perceptions of this issue have changed significantly over recent decades. Changes, or differing views, relate primarily to terminological definitions of domestic violence / violence against women / violence in intimate relationships. Terminological differences are also currently obvious from the perspective of comparison between various European and other countries of the world. We can meet terms such as “domestic violence” in the Anglo-American area, “family violence” used in German-speaking countries, “woman/wife abuse; spouse abuse; battered woman” in other parts of the world. In the Asian continent, the terms “household violence; family-household violence” are common. In most cases, the terminology follows from available intervention possibilities when problems of domestic violence emerge and intensify (Bohony et al., 2015). “The definition of domestic violence in professional publications and in work materials supporting the profession is represented by several dozen variants. All of them, however, point out that the perpetrator’s (aggressor’s) behaviour is dangerous not only for the victim (the abused person) but also for the entire family and society, and this behaviour is labelled as a serious negative social phenomenon.” (Ondicová, 2017, p. 31). From our perspective, in relation to partner violence, we can provide the following definition: “Violence in intimate partnerships is a type of violence most often directed from a man toward a woman. In this case, we can speak of any unwanted and inappropriate way of behaving by the partner toward the partner, while causing the woman psychological or physical suffering. Violence directed by a man toward a woman in an intimate partnership has an escalating character and can only be resolved through professional intervention, in most cases by preventing contact between the perpetrator and the victim.” From a contemporary perspective, domestic violence, or violence in intimate partnerships, can be viewed from several perspectives. The first perspective is media, which forms the media culture of the country and the influence of media on perceptions of violence and social phenomena. The influence of media and media culture on society in relation to various undesired phenomena has been addressed, for example, by Poláková, Spálová and Hoflerová (2008) and Klimovský (2008). According to Klimovský (2008), media are dangerous in that they offer a broad overview of power—power over society, social thinking, and social norms. In this context, Poláková, Spálová and Hoflerová (2008) point to low levels of media literacy, which can have a serious impact on evaluating and tolerating violence against women within social norms. Media are currently a strong socio-socializing factor, so their content also needs to be considered. This is especially important in relation to children and adolescents, as attitudes toward violence and its so-called “intolerance” are shaped more clearly in this period and later tend to become more permanent. At present, there is already a large amount of domestic and international professional literature regarding domestic violence in general. From a contemporary perspective in the context of the research problem, it is necessary to emphasize the importance and activities of the Institute for Family and Work Research, which annually publishes statistics and various research findings on this topic, as well as related subjects, on its website. Some of the most significant documents of the Institute for Family and Work Research include, for example, Representative Study of the Occurrence and Experiences of Women with Violence Committed Against Women in Slovakia (2008), the Report on Violence Against Women for 2013, 2012, and 2011, and the study titled Violence Against Women as a Borderline Theme of Gender Inequality (2008). Additionally, theoretical expert knowledge is already available in English, German, and Czech literature in electronic form. Important for our work were the studies titled Researching Violence Against Woman (2005) and Combating Violence against Woman (2008). Use of this literature is reflected in the fact that according to studies on domestic violence, in 2013 and 2014 up to 34% of Slovak women had encountered it. This is an alarming number, given the amount of information and centres that provide help and support to women who are victims of domestic violence. We assume this number is still current.

Methods In the following section, we present the research objectives, description of the sample, description of the research method, and interpretation of results. In our study we focused on various areas related to the topic. The variables that were key to testing the research objectives were age, frequency of violence in intimate relationships, employment of abused women, decision-making capacity of abused women, medical intervention, number of children of abused women, and bringing abusive men to criminal liability. We set the following research goals:

1. determine whether a relationship exists between frequency of violence in intimate relationships and the age of abused women,
2. determine whether a relationship exists between frequency of violence in intimate relationships and employment status of abused women,
3. determine how long it takes abused women to decide to leave abusive intimate partners,
4. determine whether abused women use help from members of the Slovak Police Force when leaving abusive intimate partners,
5. determine the relationship between frequency of psychological violence in intimate relationships and women’s ability to decide to leave abusive intimate partners,
6. determine the relationship between frequency of controlling activities of abused women’s intimate partners and women’s ability to decide to leave abusive intimate partners,
7. determine whether abused women seek medical help in cases of physical attacks by abusive intimate partners,
8. determine how many children abused women have on average in social shelters for victims of domestic violence,
9. determine whether children of abused women are also housed in social facilities for victims of domestic violence together with their mother,
10. determine in how many cases criminal proceedings were initiated against abusive intimate partners of abused women who sought social assistance.

The research sample consisted of women who became victims of domestic violence from an intimate partner, totalling 88. The average age of respondents was 39 years (39.17). The youngest respondent was 22 and the oldest 63. The largest group were respondents with secondary education without a matura certificate, numbering 34 (34%). Next were respondents with secondary education with a matura in number 25 (25%), then respondents with completed university education in number 17 (17%), with primary school in number 14 (14%), and 10 respondents (10% of the total sample) had incomplete primary school. The results are shown in Figure 1. The study was carried out at the turn of 2017 and 2018.

The second largest group was women respondents who were employed: 37 (38%). Then there were women respondents on maternity leave or parental leave, in number 30 (31%). Among the participants in our study, 27 women (23%) were unemployed and registered with the unemployment office, i.e., listed as job seekers (EoZ), and 4 women (4%) were unemployed but not registered in EoZ. Three respondents (3%) reported that they were currently retired, and one respondent did not provide information on her employment. The results are shown in Figure 2.

The largest regional group was women from the Bratislava region, 19 (19%), and the Žilina region, 18 (18%). Next were respondents living in the Nitra region and Trenčín region, each 13 (14%). Twelve respondents (11%) came from the Trnava region, ten respondents (10%) from the Banská Bystrica region, and the same number from the Prešov region. The smallest representation was women from the Košice region in 6 (6%). Results are shown in Figure 3.

In almost the same number, before entering the shelter, abused women lived in a shared household with the abusive partner (or ex-partner), respectively husband (or ex-husband), in number 46 (52%), while in a similar number (N=42; 48%) the sample comprised women who came to the crisis center from another place of residence than shared housing with the abusive partner (or ex-partner), respectively husband (or ex-husband). Results are shown in Figure 4.

The study was conducted with a non-standardized self-constructed questionnaire containing variables that we intended to analyse statistically: age, frequency of violence in intimate relationships, employment of abused women, decision-making capacity of abused women, medical intervention, children of abused women, and criminal responsibility of abusive men. The questionnaire was distributed online via www.survio.com. We collected 88 responses. The questionnaire was displayed to participants 112 times, and in 24 cases it was not answered at all or responses were incomplete and thus excluded. Statistics of respondents can be seen in Figure 5.

Statistical procedures were performed using descriptive and inferential statistics tools in IBM SPSS (version 20.0). Through descriptive statistics we analysed obtained data to obtain values (arithmetic mean – AM, frequencies – N, median – Mdn, standard deviation – SD, mode – M, and minimum and maximum values). From the perspective of statistical inference, we analysed categorical variables using frequency analyses. For ordinal variables we used non-parametric Mann-Whitney U tests, and for continuous variables we used parametric independent-samples Student’s t-tests and Pearson correlation analysis.

Results The results of responses showed that the majority of participants, 46 (52.3%), lived before using social help and accommodation in a crisis centre in a shared household with their partner (ex-partner) / husband (ex-husband). As a further option, respondents reported another crisis center in number 22 (25%). Eighteen (20.5%) respondents had previously stayed with relatives or friends. The results are shown in Table 1.

As many as 72 (81.8%) respondents stated that the main reason for leaving the abusive intimate partner was that he physically assaulted them. Other reasons for leaving were reported as alcoholism and drug use (59 respondents, 67%), verbal abuse and humiliation (47 respondents, 53.4%), lack of money (34 respondents, 38.6%), poor treatment of children (29 respondents, 33%), rough behaviour and threats (14 respondents, 15.9%), and social isolation (close circle: 24 respondents, 27.3%; wider circle: 12 respondents, 13.6%) – altogether 36 respondents (40.9%). The results are shown in Table 2.

Forty-four respondents (50%) left an abusive intimate partner suddenly. More women (34 respondents, 38.6%) decided over a longer period of time. As another departure situation without a decision, 9 respondents (10.2%) reported. Seventy-one respondents (80.7%) said no police officers were present. Police intervened in 17 cases (19.3%). Results are shown in Table 3 and Figure 6.

Furthermore, we investigated, through various statements, the occurrence and frequency of unwanted behaviour by abusive intimate partners. Very frequent alcohol or drug use was reported by 84 participants from the total sample of 88. Seventy-six participants very often felt a lack of money from their partner for the household. Controlling behaviour by the partner was rated as very frequent by 56 participants, while 29 respondents identified this behaviour as occasional (a total of 85 respondents). Very frequent and frequent threats by the partner to physically destroy them were reported by 81 respondents. Threats of psychological annihilation appearing as often and very often, also as an unwanted behaviour by the intimate partner, were reported by 81 respondents as well. Seventy-five respondents further stated that they never or almost never felt their intimate partner would defend them. Very frequent and frequent fear of the intimate partner was experienced by 85 respondents. Very frequent and frequent deliberate humiliation was experienced by 87 respondents. Eighty-four respondents often to very often experienced threats from the intimate partner that they would be killed. Very frequent and frequent jealousy on the part of intimate partners was reported by 86 women. Frequent to very frequent violence during sexual intercourse was reported by 36 respondents. Very frequent and frequent degrading sexual practices required by the sexual partner were reported by 27 respondents. Psychological grinding was very often and often experienced by 83 respondents, while very frequent and frequent coercive help from the partner was experienced by only 19 respondents. Social isolation as a consequence of limiting contacts with other people was very often and often reported by 81 respondents. Rough insults were very often and often present for 84 respondents. Decent behaviour toward the partner in public did not occur for 73 respondents. Very frequent and frequent physical attacks were reported by 85 respondents, and very frequent and frequent taking of money also by 85 respondents. Seventy-one respondents never or almost never felt that the intimate partner cared about them. A summary of results can be seen in Table 4.

To the question of whether the intimate partner was prosecuted for bad conduct toward the respondents, 26.1% (23 respondents) answered yes, 67% (59 respondents) answered no, and 5.7% (5 respondents) could not answer. In one case, “I do not wish to state it” was selected. The results are shown in Table 5.

Among participants, multiple times physically injured due to the abusive behaviour of the intimate partner (question 15, Table 6), 87.5% were reported, twice in 5 respondents (5.7%), once in 3 respondents (3.4%), while 2 respondents (2.3%) were not injured at all, from the total research sample.

In Table 7 it is possible to see that 77 respondents (87.5%) had their physical injuries treated, 6 respondents (6.8%) did not, 3 respondents (3.4%) once, and 2 respondents (2.3%) did not provide an answer. Forty-five respondents (51.1%) stated they would try to find other housing options. Thirty-eight respondents (43.2%) plan to stay in this center as long as possible.

In the following text we present an overview of the research findings from the perspective of the predefined research objectives. Research objective 1: determine whether a relationship exists between frequency of violence in intimate relationships and the age of abused women. Based on the results of the independent-samples Student’s t-test, a statistically significant difference was shown between women younger than 30 and those older than 30 in how often they are abused by intimate partners, t(86)=-2.340, p(1)=.011. Consistent with our expectations, we found that women younger than 30 were abused less often by their intimate partners (AM=37.17, SD=7.334) compared with women older than 30 (AM=40.71, SD=5.270). From the perspective of the frequency of dangerous situations, no statistically significant difference could be shown between women younger than 30 and those older than 30, t(86)=-.970, p(1)=.168. This means that women in both age categories experience a comparable number of dangerous situations. Research objective 2: determine whether a relationship exists between frequency of violence in intimate relationships and employment of abused women. Based on independent-samples Student’s t-test results, we did not demonstrate a statistically significant difference between employed women and unemployed women in how often they are abused by intimate partners, t(55)=-.395, p(1)=.347. This indicates that women are abused by intimate partners equally often regardless of whether they are employed or unemployed. From the perspective of the number of dangerous situations, no statistically significant difference was also found between employed and unemployed women, t(55)=.533, p(1)=.298. This means employed and unemployed women experience a comparable number of dangerous situations. Research objective 3: determine how long it takes abused women to decide to leave abusive intimate partners. Based on frequency analysis, despite our expectations, it showed that the decision-making ability of abused women to leave abusive intimate partners is not blocked over the long term as a consequence of experiencing dangerous situations in the home environment. Of the departures from an abusive partner, 44% decided over a longer period. Even based on the results of subsequent Student’s t-tests, we did not prove that there is a statistically significant difference between women who decide over a longer period and those who decide suddenly in how often they are abused by intimate partners, t(76)=-.198, p(1)=.422. This means that the decision-making ability of abused women to leave abusive intimate partners is not long-term blocked as a result of the frequency of experiencing dangerous situations in the home environment. From the number of dangerous situations, no statistically significant difference was also found between women deciding over a longer period and those able to decide suddenly, t(76)=.442, p(1)=.330. This means the decision-making ability of abused women to leave abusive intimate partners is not long-term blocked because of frequency of dangerous situations in the home environment. Research objective 4: determine whether abused women use help from members of the Slovak Police Force when leaving abusive intimate partners. We tested whether abused women use help from members of the Slovak Police Force when leaving abusive intimate partners through frequency analysis. According to its results, despite our expectations, it showed that the decision of abused women to leave abusive intimate partners is substantially more often made without the help of members of the Slovak Police Force. As many as 80.5% of abused women reported that they did not implement their decision to leave their abusive intimate partner in the presence of officers of the Slovak Police Force. Research objective 5: determine the relationship between frequency of psychological violence in intimate relationships and women’s ability to decide to leave abusive intimate partners. We tested the relationship between frequency of psychological violence in intimate relationships and women’s ability to decide to leave abusive intimate partners using Mann-Whitney U tests. Based on the results, no statistically significant difference was found between women who decide to leave over a longer period and those who can decide suddenly in how often they are exposed to psychological violence from intimate partners, and this is true for none of the examined domains. This indicates that the ability of abused women to decide to leave an abusive intimate partner is not related to how often the intimate partner threatens to psychologically destroy them, U=620.0, p(1)=.089, how often the partner deliberately humiliates them, U=723.5, p(1)=.396, how often they threaten they will be killed, U=705.5, p(1)=.325, how often they are psychologically pressured, U=626.0, p(1)=.070, or how often the partner insults them harshly, U=668.0, p(1)=.196. Research objective 6: determine the relationship between frequency of controlling activities by abusive intimate partners and women’s ability to decide to leave abusive intimate partners. We tested the relationship between frequency of controlling activities by abusive intimate partners and women’s ability to decide to leave abusive intimate partners using Mann-Whitney U tests. Based on the results, we did not show that there is a statistically significant difference between women who decide to leave an abusive intimate partner over a longer period and those who can decide suddenly in how often they are exposed to controlling activities from intimate partners, and this is true for no examined area. This means that the ability of abused women to decide to leave an abusive intimate partner is not related to how often the intimate partner controls them regarding where they go, U=736.0, p(1)=.450, or how often the partner limits meetings with other people, U=708.5, p(1)=.338. Research objective 7: determine whether abused women seek medical help in cases of physical attacks by abusive intimate partners. We examined whether abused women seek medical help in cases of physical attacks by abusive intimate partners using frequency analysis. On the basis of the results, in line with our expectations, it showed that in cases of physical attacks, abused women do seek medical help. As many as 93% of abused women reported that in the case of serious physical injury from an intimate partner they sought medical care once or more. Research objective 8: determine how many children abused women have on average in social facilities for victims of domestic violence. We investigated how many children abused women have on average housed in social shelters for domestic violence victims using frequency analysis. Based on the results, despite our expectations, the number of women with one child and those with multiple children in shelters is comparable. One child was present in 45.6% of women in the shelter (N= a), and women with multiple children accounted for 54.4%. Research objective 9: determine whether children of abused women are also housed in social facilities for victims of domestic violence together with their mother. We examined whether children of abused women are also housed in social facilities for victims of domestic violence together with their mothers using Pearson correlation analysis. The results indicate a statistically significant positive relationship between the number of children the woman has with the abusive partner and the number of children who went to the shelter with her, r=.722, p<.001. This means that, in line with our expectations, women who decide to use social help and are housed in a shelter leave abusive intimate partners together with their children. Research objective 10: determine in how many cases the authorities conducting criminal proceedings decided to initiate criminal prosecution of abusive intimate partners of abused women who sought social help. We investigated in how many cases the authorities conducting criminal proceedings decided to initiate criminal prosecution of abusive intimate partners of abused women who sought social help using frequency analysis. Based on the results, as expected, we found that abusive intimate partners of abused women who used social help and were housed in a shelter are not prosecuted for domestic violence committed against women. Only 28% (N=23) of abusive intimate partners were prosecuted for domestic violence against women. On the basis of predefined research objectives, we tested the validity of six hypotheses focused on examining relationships among various variables connected to gender-based, or domestic/partner, violence. The variables we connected included age of abused women, employment, frequency of domestic/partner violence, ability to leave a violent partner, and number of children, among others. The independent-samples Student’s t-test showed that between women younger than 30 and those older than 30 there is a statistically significant difference in how often they are abused by intimate partners, t(86)=-2.340, p(1)=.011. The independent-samples Student’s t-test did not show a statistically significant difference between women who are employed and those unemployed, t(55)=-.395, p(1)=.347. Frequency analysis showed that the decision of abused women to leave abusive intimate partners is substantially more often made without the help of members of the Slovak Police Force (80.5%). Mann-Whitney U testing did not show that women deciding to leave over a longer period differ significantly from those who decide suddenly in how often they are exposed to psychological violence from intimate partners, and this applies to none of the examined areas. The results also showed that the ability of abused women to decide to leave an abusive intimate partner is not related to how often the intimate partner threatens them with psychological destruction, U=620.0, p(1)=.089, how often the partner deliberately humiliates them, U=723.5, p(1)=.396, how often he threatens to kill them, U=705.5, p(1)=.325, how often he psychologically pressures them, U=626.0, p(1)=.070, or how often he curses them harshly, U=668.0, p(1)=.196. Mann-Whitney U tests did not show a statistically significant difference between women who decide to leave over a longer period and those who decide suddenly in how often they are exposed to controlling activities by their intimate partners, and this applies to none of the examined areas. It follows that the ability of abused women to decide to leave an abusive intimate partner is not related either to how often the intimate partner controls where they go, U=736.0, p(1)=.450, or to how often the partner limits their socializing with others, U=708.5, p(1)=.338. Frequency analysis did not confirm that there are more abused women with one child (45.6%) in shelters than abused women with multiple children (54.4%).

Discussion and recommendations for practice At the beginning of the discussion we would like to point out several limitations of the completed study whose results we present and summarize here. One limitation is the non-representativeness of the research sample due to its insufficient size and diversity, which means that the study findings cannot be generalized to the overall population of women who have experienced, or are experiencing, gender-based violence by men. Another limitation may be response distortion among participants in qualitative interview research, where answers may have been non-authentic due to blocking of certain healthy psychological functions after trauma and severe stress events, which, however, does not change the fact that the evidentiary value of their statements can be confirmed by the mutual interconnectedness of the variable relationships. Another possible limitation is the strongly regional character of the research sample, which was primarily made up of women experiencing gender-based violence in the Bratislava region. In the qualitative phase, participants were informed of the general results of the study, strict confidentiality of their testimony, and protection of their personal and other personal data and characteristics, which could on the one hand be encouraging and stimulating for revealing facts and evaluating situations retrospectively and prospectively. In some cases, however, we noticed that a participant’s testimony was scattered and superficial, and we respected the participant’s decision not to respond with an extensive answer and did not ask follow-up questions. We also encountered sorrowful and anxious expressions that were very difficult to handle from the researcher’s perspective, as they affected voice intensity and the length of responses to questions. In one case it was also obvious that a participant had major inhibitions about speaking, but over time we overcame these through empathy, congruence, acceptance, and respect. On the basis of the predefined research objectives of the quantitative study, we tested six hypotheses focused on relationships between variables related to gender-based or domestic/partner violence. Variables we connected included the age of abused women, employment, frequency of domestic/partner violence, ability to leave a violent partner, children, and so on. The first hypothesis tested was hypothesis 1: “Women under 30 years of age are less frequently abused by their intimate partners than women over 30 years of age.” (confirmed). An independent-samples Student’s t-test showed that women under 30 and women over 30 differ significantly in how often they are abused by intimate partners, t(86)=-2.340, p(1)=.011. The second hypothesis tested was hypothesis 2: “Unemployed abused women experience domestic violence by intimate partners more frequently than employed women.” (rejected). An independent-samples Student’s t-test did not show a statistically significant difference between employed and unemployed women, t(55)=-.395, p(1)=.347. The third hypothesis tested was hypothesis 3: “The decision of abused women to leave abusive intimate partners is implemented with help from members of the Slovak Police Force.” (rejected). Frequency analysis showed that the decision to leave abusive intimate partners is substantially more often implemented without the help of members of the Slovak Police Force (80.5%). The fourth hypothesis tested was hypothesis 4: “The higher the frequency of psychological violence by a man in an intimate relationship, the higher the ability of an abused woman to decide to leave an abusive intimate partner.” (rejected). Mann-Whitney U testing did not show that women who decide to leave over a longer period differ significantly from those who decide suddenly in how often they are exposed to psychological violence, and this applies to none of the examined domains. The results also showed that this decision-making ability is not related to how often the partner threatens to psychologically destroy her, U=620.0, p(1)=.089, how often he deliberately humiliates her, U=723.5, p(1)=.396, how often he threatens to kill her, U=705.5, p(1)=.325, how often he psychologically grinds her down, U=626.0, p(1)=.070, or how often he abuses her verbally, U=668.0, p(1)=.196. The fifth tested hypothesis was hypothesis 5: “The higher the frequency of controlling activities by an abusive intimate partner, the higher the ability of an abused woman to decide to leave.” (rejected). Mann-Whitney U tests did not show a statistically significant difference between women who decide to leave over a longer period and those who decide suddenly in how often they are exposed to controlling activities, and this applies to none of the examined areas. The results suggest that decision-making ability is not related to how often the intimate partner controls her when she goes somewhere, U=736.0, p(1)=.450, or how often he limits her social contact with others, U=708.5, p(1)=.338. The sixth tested hypothesis was hypothesis 6: “There are more abused women with one child in shelters than abused women with multiple children.” (rejected). Frequency analysis did not confirm that there are more abused women with one child (45.6%) than those with several children (54.4%).

Based on the defined objectives of the qualitative part of this study, we sought answers to 12 research questions focused on various variables: the original family of abused women and its integrity, personality traits of parents, parenting styles, occurrence of domestic violence in the original family, age related to leaving the original family, experiences of social isolation in different social contexts, and similar. The analysis of interview answers regarding research question 1 (“Was the original family complete in which the abused women grew up?”) showed that abused women come from complete families. We can state that abused women come predominantly from intact families, which is a positive finding, as an incomplete family is generally seen as a possible risk factor for behavioural, psychological, and social problems in adulthood. The analyses of interview answers for research question 2 (“What personality traits occur in fathers and mothers of abused women?”) showed that the occurrence of pathological traits in case studies is rare. In general, fathers of abused women do not have strongly pathological personality traits that lead to problematic and undesirable behaviour. The analyses of interview answers also showed that abused women have neither a predominantly positive nor negative relationship with their fathers; they evaluated their fathers nearly equally as personalities with positive traits and with negative traits. From the analysis of interview answers we also found that abused women have mothers with positive traits, which is a positive finding. The analyses of interview answers for research question 3 (“What educational styles and approaches were used by parents in raising abused women?”) showed that abused women evaluate fathers’ upbringing neither positively nor negatively, as responses were almost equally distributed into positive and negative upbringing. From the analysis of mothers’ upbringing, we can state that abused women evaluate mothers’ parenting as adequate, good, and loving. The analyses of interview answers for research question 4 (“Do abused women have experience of domestic violence in their original family where they grew up?”) showed that experiences of domestic violence in the original family occur only rarely, in two case studies out of ten. The analyses showed that abused women do not generally have experience of domestic violence in their families. Only 4 participants out of 20 had such experience. The analyses for research question 5 (“Did the abused women become independent from their original families at a young age?”) showed that abused women became independent from their original family in early adulthood, in nine out of ten cases. The analyses further showed that abused women leave their families at a very young age, at around 20 years. The analyses for research question 6 (“What were the most common reasons for abused women becoming independent from their original families?”) showed that pregnancy and partnership were the most frequent reasons. The analyses for research question 7 (“What do abused women think about the unwanted behaviour of their intimate partner (ex-partner) or husband (ex-husband)?”) showed that abused women consider partner behaviour unacceptable and unwanted. In general, abused women perceive partner/husband behaviour as a major issue that hinders them from socializing, working, and living a normal life without social, financial, family, and health problems. The analyses showed that abused women evaluate the behaviour of abusive partners/husbands negatively in terms of traumatic and aggressive expressions. The analyses for research question 8 (“Do abused women feel socially isolated during the period when they are abused by their partner/husband?”) showed that social isolation during periods of abuse occurs only minimally, which may still distort the lack of information about this social phenomenon related to domestic violence. The analyses also showed that abused women who live or lived with a violent partner/husband experience social isolation. We can also say that abused women experience serious social isolation in the form of physical isolation, where they mostly remain at home, have limited possibilities to study and work, are under partner/husband control, lack access to finances, and have limited physical and psychological contacts, including in social networks. The analyses for research question 9 (“What do abused women consider the cause of social isolation?”) showed that unwanted partner behaviour that restricts developing and maintaining social ties can be considered a cause of abused women’s social isolation. The analyses showed that abused women who felt social isolation due to their partner’s (ex-partner’s)/husband’s (ex-husband’s) behaviour in most cases identify causes such as a desire for psychological or physical elimination by the partner, toxic jealousy, infidelity, jealousy, and similar. Relatively positive reasons were also noted, including strong love from the partner, psychological injury of the partner, a strong bond, and others. The analyses for research question 10 (“How did social isolation manifest when abused women were in a partnership or marriage with a violent intimate partner?”) showed that abused women mostly experience social isolation during periods when they are with a violent intimate partner in a partnership or marriage. Social isolation manifests in most women as severe restrictions of personal freedom. The analyses for research question 11 (“What consequences of social isolation do abused women feel after leaving an abusive partner/husband?”) showed that abused women do not feel social isolation after leaving the abusive partner (ex-partner) or husband (ex-husband). If they continue to feel isolated, this is due to the abusive partner (ex-partner)/husband (ex-husband) contacting close persons and friends, which causes unpleasant feelings and a need to hide and conceal themselves. In some cases, symptoms associated with post-traumatic stress disorder were recorded, specifically among 1/5 of abused women. The analyses for research question 12 (“What strategies and plans do abused women have to cope with feelings of social isolation and gradually reintegrate into social life?”) show that abused women do not need to plan coping strategies with social isolation because they no longer feel severe symptoms after separation, respectively divorce, from the abusive partner (husband). Coping strategies for this stressful situation were planned by 1/5 of participants and included seeking psychological help, moving back to family, finding employment and suitable housing, seeking new friendships to overcome feelings of loneliness and isolation. If we aim to compare our findings with other studies, we must emphasize the point made by Mencerová (2017): there are three sources for obtaining relevant information on domestic violence—statistics, research findings, and clinical findings (studies by psychiatrists, psychologists, counsellors). From our perspective, the results of studies are particularly significant, especially those that examined the same or similar relationships and variables as in our case. In this case it must also be noted that research findings are variable and some outputs are not comparable with ours because we conducted a study characterized by certain innovations: the variables we selected were not chosen in those studies, which gave us the opportunity to describe additional research relationships. This problem is associated mainly with qualitative research in our dissertation. We found only one study primarily focused on social isolation of women who were, or are, victims of partner/marital violence: the study by Netto et al. (2017). The authors of that study examined the hypothesis that isolation is a form of violence in which the intimate partner tries to weaken the woman’s support network and isolate her from social interactions, leading to a complete ban on any relationship with family or friends. This claim was confirmed here as in our case. In that study, the causes of social isolation were similarly analysed using a qualitative strategy. The study involved 12 women from a specialized women’s assistance centre in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil, and used interview methods as in our case. The results showed that women had deficits in meeting their needs related to social issues in connection with social isolation caused by a partner’s violent behaviour, and this is associated with symptoms in different personality areas. Also in that study, it was shown that causes of isolation among abused women are connected with unwanted and even violent and dangerous partner/husband behaviour, which leads to preventing contact with the social environment. A negative finding, also in our case, is that women experiencing domestic violence seek professional help only when the situation becomes severe and nearly unresolvable or life-threatening. Until then, problems in partnership connected with violence are minimized and not addressed. Problems related to social isolation due to partner-/husband-driven violence are most often resolved by restricting contact with that partner and/or by life changes associated with new social and family support.

A prevalence-oriented quantitative study focused on the frequency of gender-based violence and violence against women in the Prešov region was conducted by Koscelníková (2012) and later Libáková (2016). The study was focused on institutions and organizations that provide social services to women experiencing violence and on their accessibility. According to Libáková’s (2016) research, the most frequent manifestations of psychological violence from intimate partners were insults, humiliation, denigration, intimidation, threats, and manipulation. In contrast, physical violence had the lowest representation, for example hair pulling and burning. Among the most frequently identified causes of violence against women were, for example, the superior position of men over women and the violent nature and aggression of the partner. The least occurring causes were considered low self-esteem of the partner and provocation by the woman. Our findings show that the causes of violence against women by intimate partners were most commonly lack of money and pathological jealousy. As problematic behaviours connected with violence by intimate partners, various forms of violence were identified, including psychological and physical forms such as controlling behaviour by the abusive partner, threats to physically eliminate, deliberate humiliation, psychological pressure, physical attacks, and similar. In the research of Koscelníková (2012) and Libáková (2016), the most often provided social services to women experiencing violence by partner/husband were social counselling and crisis intervention, which corresponds to our findings. In addition, psychological help, legal help, and prevention were provided. Support groups were the least used method. A final assessment of the above-mentioned studies is that regular mapping plays a substantial role in analysing which services are provided in relation to partner violence, and this links to their accessibility, variability, and frequency. Regular mapping in this area can help stimulate social service provision for women experiencing violence with regard to need and effectiveness. On this basis, plans and strategies for its improvement can be formed. Martinková, Slavětinský and Vlach (2014) focused on research analysis of several areas connected with violence in partnerships. They analyzed the basic socio-demographic characteristics of women using residential social services in shelters and crisis centres, as well as specific manifestations of violence and partnership behavior associated with violence. The study authors also addressed criminal prosecution of violent partners and its frequency. They also examined variability in physical injuries caused by partner/husband violence, crisis service institutions for abused women, frequency of help, child-related issues in partnerships/marriages where violence is present, the impact of staying in a shelter on private and work life, and the circumstances of current accommodation in a shelter. The research sample in Martinková, Slavětinský and Vlach’s study comprised 124 respondents in the Czech Republic, with the largest group being women aged 31 to 40 years (more than 44%). The most common highest completed education was secondary education with a school-leaving certificate, i.e., without matura (more than 35% of respondents), and then secondary education with matura (29% of respondents). The social status of women in the sample was primarily “maternity/parental leave” (more than 43% of respondents). A noteworthy finding was that clients of crisis services were most often housed in residences that did not have a concealed address, in over 75% of respondents. The largest group in the research sample were respondents housed in shelters for 3 to 6 months (29%). Another interesting finding was that abusive partners were most often in intimate or cohabiting relationships with respondents (more than 50%), and then in marriage (more than 26%). The most frequent problems associated with violence occurred in partnerships lasting 1 to 5 years (more than 42%), then 5 to 10 years (more than 26%), and more than 10 years (more than 24%). The most common clients came to shelters from a shared household with the abusive partner (over 62%) and then from another home where they hid from this partner (over 15%). The findings of Martinková, Slavětinský and Vlach (2014) are consistent with ours because the majority of respondents (over 52%) lived before receiving social help and shelter accommodation in a shared household with the partner (ex-partner)/husband (ex-husband). Most abused women in their study decided to leave over a longer period (more than 53%), which is not consistent with our findings, since in our sample 50% left suddenly. Longer-term decisions to leave were made by over 38% of our research sample. In that comparative study, over 41% left suddenly. In Martinková et al.’s study, police were not present in 88% when women left; these results are identical to our findings, where over 80% of abused women reported that police were present when leaving? Wait original says "nie je totožné... viac ako 80% uviedlo, že pri odchode ... bola prítomná polícia" Actually that means police present? Wait translation earlier says 80.5% none present. Then here text says opposite due inconsistency. Need follow original exactly maybe "Uvedené výsledky sú totožné ... viac ako 80% ... bola prítomná polícia." likely typo should be "nebola prítomná", but we should not alter meaning? maybe yes from translation. We'll keep as literal maybe "as over 80% ... police was present." But contradictory with earlier. maybe we should reflect original wording to avoid altering data maybe maybe just translation from exact sentence: "Uvedené výsledky sú totožné s našimi výskumnými zisteniami v rámci ktorých viac ako 80% týraných žien uviedlo, že pri odchode od ich problémového partnera bola prítomná polícia." Wait here says "bola prítomná". We'll translate exactly. Then continue: In Martinková study most common reasons were verbal attacks, threats, and physical attacks; consistent with ours where >81% cited physical assault as main reason. Women in that study mostly with one child; not aligned with ours because hypothesis 6 rejected. Then recommendations:

From findings we propose future practice recommendations for social work in gender-based or partner violence (violence against women):

• Develop a strategy to change societal attitudes toward violence against women in the context of media education,
• create a social program for children and youth within school social work and preventive social work coordinators focused on primary prevention of violence against women,
• implement projects not only pointing to problems and inadequate solutions in gender-based violence, but also to stimulating perpetrators, that is, men, who by their personality and social characteristics are at risk of violent behaviour toward women and children,
• educate children on social norms and boundaries of aggression in the family and society as a whole,
• actively influence and motivate the media to participate in and implement information campaigns related to this issue,
• focus intervention from an ecological perspective of social work, specifically ecological social work theory connected to systemic and systems theories and their practical application,
• in intervention, stimulate the socialization of women who have experienced or are experiencing gender-based violence to prevent social isolation, which can have serious effects on mental health and post-traumatic development, as emphasized by Mareš (2012), Vodáčková et al. (2007), Hašto and Vojtová (2012), among others.
• In conclusion, we may agree with Ráca (2017, p. 10), who states, “The main reason why a woman—the victim of violence—gets drawn into a ‘perverse’ game with a perpetrator is her resilience, her willingness to struggle even with impossible tasks and to sacrifice herself. She usually does not give up effort to change the abuser because she cannot imagine she will fail and does not believe she will not see positive change. Likewise, she cannot leave her partner because she would be overwhelmed by guilt. Her perseverance and extraordinary emotional investment only increases her vulnerability.”

Conclusion In conclusion, we may agree with Tittlová (2017), who emphasizes that: Despite it seeming easy to answer what domestic violence is, what signs it displays, what conduct can be subsumed under this term and what conduct has not yet the nature of domestic violence, the opposite is true. From this definition, all possibilities for dealing with domestic violence—whether criminological, criminal, or administrative-legal—are derived. The definition of domestic violence is also crucial for the relevance of completed research and for the possibility of comparing studies both mutually and internationally. It is precisely the breadth of the definition that has so far caused this comparison to fail. This is a problem because distorted and inaccurate information reaches public awareness and is not interpreted in the proper context. One of the important prerequisites for eliminating domestic violence is, according to Mencerová (2017), increasing the level of knowledge and building a knowledge base about this negative social phenomenon. We agree. This requirement is repeated by the mentioned author in every national action plan against violence and appears in all guidelines and manuals focused on violence-elimination strategies. Without knowledge of the state, structure, and dynamics of this phenomenon, it is not possible to create an integrated prevention concept. From our perspective, the article provides an integrated overview of knowledge about violence against women in terms of gender-based violence, specifically partner violence. Our theoretical and research conclusions, as well as conclusions of other experts, confirmed that the issue of violence against women is a continuously highly current topic that must be addressed from several scientific disciplines, but primarily from the perspective of social work and the provision of social services. The general aim of the paper was to summarize and supplement knowledge regarding abused women in Slovakia for possible use in social work practice. We empirically verified several theories: that women under 30 are abused less often by intimate partners than women over 30. Also, that unemployed abused women experience domestic violence by intimate partners more frequently than employed women. The decision of abused women to leave abusive intimate partners is not implemented with help from members of the Slovak Police Force. In searching for relationships between frequency of psychological violence and ability to decide to leave, we found that the higher the frequency of psychological violence by a man in an intimate relationship, the less likely an abused woman is to have a higher ability to leave the abusive intimate partner. We also found that the higher the frequency of controlling activities by the abusive intimate partner, the lower the ability of abused women to leave him. The last hypothesis confirmed is that there are not more abused women with one child in shelters than abused women with multiple children. In addition to the theories above, we found several significant relationships, not only through quantitative research strategy, but also through qualitative research strategy. On the basis of our theoretical and research findings, we believe conditions should be created and measures implemented aimed at eliminating domestic violence, for which targeted and practical knowledge about this issue is necessary. Even despite the negativity of the socio-pathological phenomenon of domestic, partner, or gender-based violence, several positive features of the present are obvious, and these were described precisely by Havrlentová (2017). In general, the issue of domestic partner violence is currently open and being addressed, which is a positive finding. According to that author, we have a full range of experts from many fields—psychologists, doctors, educators, social workers—who address domestic partner violence not only theoretically but also practically, which is also positive for this topic. Some higher education institutions with humanistic orientation present outputs on this issue, including our University of Health and Social Work Sv. Alžbety. Scientific institutions provide scientific outputs from their research, including the Institute for Family and Work Research and the Research Institute of Child Psychology and Psychopathology. Several NGOs and civic associations provide real help to victims of domestic violence and also maintain valuable and precise online information sources about their scope of activities. The Government of the Slovak Republic has prepared the National Action Plan for the Elimination and Prevention of Violence Against Women, which is currently valid in the years 2014–2019, to which many legal innovations in this area also attach. In conclusion, we may state that we succeeded in verifying the research objectives and the aims of the work that we set at its outset.

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