The process of integrating migrants from Muslim-majority countries into German society from the perspective of Czech doctors and healthcare workers working in the Federal Republic of Germany. Interview analysis.
INTRODUCTION
The study presented here is aimed primarily at workers who may come into contact in their practice with migrants arriving from countries culturally, religiously, or socially entirely different from countries in Central and Western Europe. As a target group, one can therefore identify workers in healthcare and social services, and possibly police officers or other public sector employees.
The issue of migration and the inflow of migrants from diverse cultures and backgrounds is currently a highly topical subject across Europe, especially in connection with the so-called migration crisis that has been ongoing since 2012. During this crisis, every year hundreds of thousands of migrants come to Europe across the Aegean Sea between Turkey and Greece or from the Libyan coast, having come from countries such as Afghanistan, Syria, Iraq, and many others that are significantly different socially, religiously, and economically. (Eurostat, 2018). During this crisis alone, in 2015 more than one million people came to Europe, and the majority headed to Germany. (Eurostat, 2018).
Given the situation that has arisen, this study focuses on the topic of migration. The focus is especially on immigration from countries in which Islam is the dominant religion. The problem of immigration and the integration of migrants from Muslim countries is dealt with in detail by Giovanni Sartori (Sartori, 2011). The aim of this entire study is to answer a research question of mainly descriptive character, which seeks to clarify and present to readers areas associated with the ongoing mass migration to the Federal Republic of Germany. This process was described in detail by doctors and healthcare workers living and working in Germany who, through their activities, frequently interact with migrants from Muslim-majority countries. The question to be answered through our analysis is as follows: “How does the integration process of migrants from Muslim-majority countries into German society unfold from the perspective of Czech doctors and healthcare workers working in the Federal Republic of Germany?”
The research attempted to describe and evaluate how Czech doctors and healthcare workers perceive the entire integration process of migrants from such a distinct environment as Muslim countries. The research was also focused, among other things, on risk areas that can arise through the integration process and, from the viewpoint of Czech doctors and healthcare workers, to identify the sources of these problems. The questions were designed to capture as many aspects of the studied phenomenon as possible.
The results of the research should help workers in healthcare and social services, as well as members of security forces, to understand and become familiar with differences in the behavior of these migrants and to identify potential risks during their integration process.
METHODOLOGY
The selected qualitative research design is well suited to the requirements of this study, whose goal is to map the integration process of migrants from Muslim-majority countries from the perspective of Czech doctors and healthcare workers working in the Federal Republic of Germany. This study is intended to provide workers in helping professions with useful information about how integration occurs with people from countries that are clearly distinct religiously, culturally, and socially, specifically Muslim-majority countries. The setting in which information was gathered was purposively selected in Germany, since it is the country most affected by the migration crisis of recent years and therefore the integration process of migrants from Muslim countries is most easily observable there. It was also relatively easy in Germany to recruit a sufficient number of respondents who could describe this integration process in detail.
The research sample was selected according to the following criteria: 1) respondents had to be workers in helping professions. 2) these workers had to come into frequent contact in their practice with migrants who come from Muslim-majority countries and adhere to Islam. 3) they perform their practice in Germany, or they live permanently in Germany. As the ideal sample, doctors and healthcare workers were selected. In total, five respondents were contacted, of whom four were doctors and one was a home-care provider. One physician respondent discontinued contact with the researcher, so for the research we ended up with three doctors and one home-care provider.
Contact with respondents was obtained through a key intermediary, a so-called informant, who had personal contact with the first respondent. The informant, at our request, explained the purpose and process of our research to the respondent. After a positive response, communication between us and the respondent began. The communication took place via electronic channels. This respondent provided contacts to additional people, for whom the same communication method was used. All contacted respondents were then sent a short introductory text briefly explaining the entire research process and the goal of the study, with basic information about the researcher. Subsequently, questions were prepared concerning the phenomenon under investigation. Initially, questions were asked about length of practice and the characteristics of the community in which the practice takes place. In the next block, questions were asked about the migrant community itself and its characteristics, and in the final phase questions related to the integration process and possible risks that can arise in this process. Respondents were, of course, assured of complete anonymity in relation to the research and were also informed that they did not have to answer any questions they did not wish to answer. It should be noted that respondents answered all questions without problems. If they did not know an answer, they explicitly said they were unable to respond.
After the electronic communication ended, through which needed responses were obtained, data analysis was performed using open coding. This technique is described, for example, by Strauss and Corbinová (Strauss & Corbinová, 1999). The result of open coding was a range of codes, some of which merged or overlapped. These codes were reduced and then separate thematic categories were created based on them. These categories also underwent reduction and refinement. In total, there were eight categories richly saturated by respondents’ statements, capturing their perspective on the integration process of migrants from Muslim-majority countries into German society. From the created categories, distinct themes emerged that relate to the studied phenomenon, thereby moving into the domain of thematic analysis. This method is described, for example, by Jan Hendl (HENDL, 2005). The content of these categories was then edited stylistically into readable form and presented in the Results section below.
RESULTS
BASIC CHARACTERISTICS
Respondents in the interviews stated that the most frequent nationalities of migrants were Syrians, Iraqis, Afghans, and people from various African countries, e.g., R1 – As patients, young men arrive often, and I see families with children on the street. Frequently groups of several men also come. I have met Syrians, Iraqis, Afghans, Africans from various regions of Africa.
Respondents state that a large number of people came to Germany, which the state administration cannot handle at all. The surveyed respondents always have some kind of asylum facility in their place of work, whether a shelter or an asylum center. In several cases respondents reported that these accommodation facilities are currently full to capacity. In the municipalities where respondents work, there is also usually a prayer room or a mosque, or an Islamic cultural center. R4 – There is a shelter across the river, and they have a dedicated, rented building for prayer; it is not a classic mosque. All respondents work in small municipalities with a maximum of 13,000 inhabitants.
LANGUAGE INTEGRATION
From respondents, it was found that the language proficiency of incoming migrants is low; only one respondent reported seeing some recent progress in the language proficiency of Muslim migrants. It is very common that, when communicating with a migrant, an interpreter into the native language is present, and this is paid for by the state or local government. Arranging an interpreter, however, takes time and therefore complicates communication timewise in healthcare facilities. In some cases, some family member covers the role of interpreter and speaks German or English at least partially: R1 – There are people who have lived in Germany for many years and still cannot communicate. In my experience this is usually women; their children then interpret for them.
The state is trying to take very accommodative steps in this area, such as free German language courses. It became clear that one of the causes of poor language integration is the social seclusion of Muslim women from the surrounding majority society. A Muslim migrant woman is usually confined to the environment of her community and immediate family, where she takes care of children and husband. She lacks interaction with the broader world and is therefore not obliged to learn German or prepare for participation in work and social life. The respondent further reported encountering complete illiteracy among Muslim women who cannot read or write even in their mother tongue. Another respondent stated that women are generally less linguistically equipped: R2 – Women usually do not know German and men know a little. But this is also true for Turks who have lived here for 30 years. The woman stays at home and does not know a word. According to the respondent, it is common that in healthcare settings, for women who do not speak German, everything is handled by her husband or an interpreter.
INTEGRATION INTO THE LABOUR MARKET
Integration into the labour market can be characterized as follows based on the findings: incoming migrants to a large extent do not work, and spend their free time in housing facilities or outside them on nearby streets. According to respondents’ testimony, young men in larger groups are commonly visible on the street, often loud and in many cases drinking alcohol even though their religion prohibits it. One respondent cited Afghan men as an example; when they drink, they are often aggressive toward those around them. The respondent further stated that a major problem associated with migrants is the arrival of a large number of uneducated people who cannot find suitable employment. Regarding state activity, institutes exist that provide an equivalent of our retraining courses. These institutes have recently been heavily used by migrants and are likely provided free of charge by the state. Most respondents, however, agree that migrants who are working usually perform subordinate and unskilled jobs, such as cleaning public areas or restocking goods in supermarkets. R3 – Recently I have several times seen migrants cleaning in hypermarkets or restocking products. Just last month a young man from Somalia started working at our hospital as an orderly, and he is very capable and trying to integrate into the team. The Germans like that and can appreciate such effort, too. But it is more of an exception.
All respondents reported personal experiences with coworkers practicing Islam. For example, one respondent said of a Syrian colleague that he did not integrate well into the team and his professional knowledge was limited. The same respondent, however, reported positive personal experience with colleagues from Egypt and assessed them as professionally adequately qualified with a conflict-free and good working relationship. The same was stated by another respondent, this time about a Syrian colleague. Another respondent mentioned several cases in which he worked with colleagues from Libya and Kosovo. According to him, both were practicing Muslims and he described the relationship with them as good. Another respondent also praised a positive relationship with a Lebanese colleague. All respondents, however, agreed that these colleagues often adhere very strictly to their religious customs, sometimes so strictly that in some cases this complicates workplace relations and can even endanger patient safety.
All respondents agreed that the most serious issue is observance of fasting during the Ramadan month. Colleagues are weakened and fatigued, which also affects their psychological state. R2 – We also have colleagues from Egypt; during Ramadan it is unbearable, they are sleep-deprived and hungry, and their performance is certainly worse, luckily most of them take leave. In one case, it even happened that a Muslim physician fainted after performing a six-hour surgery while fasting the whole day. Furthermore, one respondent said a Muslim colleague at her hospital had been allowed by management to perform prayers five times per day during work hours at times he chose. R1 – We had a colleague who was allowed to pray five times daily at times he specified. Because he worked in operating rooms, this led to delays in operations, increased workload for colleagues, and, in my view, could also pose risks to patients. Naturally, this caused certain complications in admission and scheduling of surgical operations. The state in this matter also takes a permissive position. In one case, a respondent said the hospital has a prayer space for Muslims. In the same hospital, of course, there is also a chapel.
INTEGRATION INTO THE MAJORITY SOCIETY
Respondents characterized integration of Muslims into German society as follows. The state, as well as the Muslim community, provides ample space for the practice of prayer and general religious customs. Whether it is the prayer room mentioned above in the hospital, intended for practising Muslims among hospital staff or for patients, this is in line with how it is supported. Various cultural and religious centers are supported in municipalities where our respondents live. One respondent described a rented building next to the asylum center designated for religious ceremonies. Another respondent described a mosque that is visited by several hundred people practicing Islam during Friday prayers. According to the respondents, Muslims strictly adhere to their religious customs even in professional life, as shown by the examples of fasting and regular prayers described in the previous chapter. In public, migrants present themselves primarily through clothing. This distinction is most visible in Muslim women. According to most respondents, Muslim women wear headscarves covering their heads. R4 – women are covered in public and generally uncovered at home.
Two respondents also said that women wear dark clothing covering the entire arms and long dresses “skirts” that reach the ground. This dress style is visible even among some members of healthcare staff when they are Muslim women. The respondent mentioned as a point of interest a strong bond of the Turkish minority to Turkey. According to her, even by the third generation these migrants still do not consider themselves Germans, but Turks, while Germans look down on them. Regarding Turkish migrants, the respondent added that it is common for a woman to fly in from Turkey, give birth in Germany, complete required formalities at the office, and fly back to Turkey. A case was also recorded of contemptuous behavior toward women from the perspective of Muslim men. One respondent shared personal experience that Muslim men do not understand the style of dress and behavior of European women. The research did not capture information that public prayers or other public religious events take place in the municipalities, aside from activities in spaces designated for such ceremonies. On the other hand, one respondent mentioned such practices in large cities such as Berlin and Munich, where the community has thousands of members and complete anonymity is available there; that respondent had also worked in such cities in the past. In one response from another respondent, a demand by migrants to relocate from rural areas to the city was also identified. Mention was also made of migrants’ distrust of European healthcare workers, which creates certain complications in treatment. In some schools in Germany, requirements of Muslim associations have been met, such as not serving pork meat. Respondents were mostly unable to specify the degree of religiosity of individual migrants when asked.
CHARACTERISTICS OF THE MUSLIM FAMILY
Respondents characterized the Muslim family as follows. It is a strictly patriarchal structure in which the man always decides. The family values its religious identity and does not limit religious customs and activities; on the contrary, these activities are usually upheld in the family. Women are in most cases confined to family life and childcare. When migrant women interact with their surroundings, they are usually accompanied by a man or directly by a group of men consisting of relatives. A case was found where a doctor refused to put a patient to sleep before surgery because he feared the reaction of the patient’s relatives. Although the physician was likely from a different religious group, he was also from Syria like the patient. Women also in some cases require treatment only from female physicians. R2 – Women occasionally request treatment only from women. Women often follow religious customs in clothing, as described in the previous chapter. One case was recorded where a migrant told the respondent that he had one wife, but if he wished, Islamic faith allows him to take as many as four women. According to two respondents, Muslim men view Western women’s customs regarding dress and open relationships with men with disdain. Several respondents also said that Muslim families are typically highly fertile, usually 3 to 4 children per couple. The relationship of Muslim men to their children is, according to one respondent, unusually cold compared to fathers in the majority society. Children of migrants, according to three respondents, attend educational institutions; two respondents, however, pointed out that in families they continue to communicate in the native language and strictly adhere to their religious and cultural traditions, which can complicate integration into educational and social space. One respondent mentioned the issue posed by unaccompanied minor migrants arriving in Germany. According to this information, they are more susceptible to radicalization by salafists who provide them with religious texts, as follows: R1 – A major risk is also children, adolescents, who come to Europe without parents. At the start of the migration crisis people spoke about salafists standing at major train stations in Germany, who identify these children, hand them a Koran with Arabic notes, or even take them away to unknown places. Such children are easily manipulated. Women remain mostly within communities of Muslim migrant women, which socially excludes them from ordinary life. Although one case of contemptuous behavior toward female healthcare staff by male migrants was recorded, respondents generally stated that they were always treated politely.
MAJORITY SOCIETY’S VIEW OF MIGRATION FROM MUSLIM-MAJORITY COUNTRIES
According to the respondents’ statements, it is quite difficult to learn majority German opinions about migration. Two respondents said that Germans are afraid to talk about this topic for fear of being accused of racism or Nazism. One respondent even noted that one should not force Germans to discuss this topic, because they may complain to healthcare management and it is realistic that, as a result of such behavior, one could lose one’s job. R1 – Germans are explicitly afraid to speak about this. And it is not advisable to force them into this topic; it can happen that, because of your views and questions, you get reported to management and labeled a racist. As a possible reason for this fear, the respondent cites Germany’s historical complexes and a complex from the Second World War. As negative as to living together with migrants, Germans are rated by about three respondents. Germans do not enjoy the path Germany has taken, but these views are expressed only in private; at the workplace, this topic is not discussed “aloud.” One respondent said the biggest issue for Germans is internal redistribution of migrants within Germany. R3 – They are not at all enthusiastic about the redistribution of refugees. No one asked anyone; they arrive, a shelter is set up, and on a village or small town on the outskirts you suddenly have 400 refugees... They are already there and no one cares about them anymore. Simply the system can no longer handle placing that many people. People sometimes have legitimate fears. Only one respondent described coexistence with migrants from the perspective of Germans as free of fear and prejudice. She added, however, that her case is a small town and that in Berlin and similarly sized larger cities the situation is different. Three respondents agreed that integration in the Czech Republic would be even more problematic, because Germans are more open and understanding toward foreigners.
DEPENDENCE OF MIGRANTS ON THE SOCIAL SYSTEM
Several respondents stated that they are convinced migrants are fully dependent on social benefits from the outset. It was also found from respondents that the state or local government funds retraining courses, language courses, and various contributions to culture and food, for example: R4 – Yes, they have free courses and housing and food benefits. And monthly support. Several respondents mentioned that a large number of uneducated people is also a problem, as these people are therefore likely to remain dependent on the social system. One respondent even said that dependency on the social system may suit some migrants because they are also used to this way of life in their country of origin, though this is only her assumption. In terms of state support, it was found that an interpreter is fully covered when needed, for example during medical consultations with migrant patients. One respondent noted that the municipality not only provides support to migrants but also encourages citizens to do so. Leaflets were issued containing calls for local residents to help migrants by teaching them basic tasks. R1 – It was a document issued by the city calling on residents to help migrants, e.g., teach a migrant to shop in our stores, teach them to ride a bike, and so on. As for social benefits, one respondent reported that it is common practice to report a larger number of migrants as living in one apartment and claim social benefits. In practice, these benefits are then collected in the home countries while in the apartment only one contact person is present, who informs the others when announced inspections by social offices are to be carried out. The others return by taxi to the apartments before scheduled inspections. To the questions on this topic, respondents could not provide information on how the state or municipalities financially contribute to religious facilities such as Islamic cultural centers or mosques and their staff. Nor was it possible to determine details on the amount of funding for constructing and operating migrant accommodation facilities.
RISK AREAS ASSOCIATED WITH MIGRATION FROM MUSLIM-MAJORITY COUNTRIES
Respondents spoke quite broadly about risk areas associated with migration from Muslim-majority countries, though not uniformly. In other words, one could say that each person sees migration-related risks in different ways. One respondent said she knows that in the city where she works, migrants commit unlawful acts, including both property and violent offenses, which often trigger police patrol calls. Another respondent also reported a bad experience with Muslim men, especially from Afghanistan, who drink alcohol in public in groups and then become aggressive. R3 – Criminality varies by nationality. Lately I have not had good experiences with Afghans. Muslim men drink quite a lot and become aggressive afterward, even though alcohol consumption is forbidden in Islam. Another respondent said they could not comment on this topic because they had no personal experience with unlawful behavior by migrants. One respondent described in some detail how migrants exploit social benefits, referring to the earlier chapter above about declared residence and benefit claims while living in their home countries. Two respondents said they encountered diseases and injuries in their medical practice that were specific in relation to migrants. One respondent referred, in connection with illness, to a study in a German medical journal discussing a scabies outbreak in one refugee camp. R1 – In a German medical journal, a study was published about managing a scabies outbreak in a German refugee camp in 2015. At that time many migrants arrived in Germany very chaotically, without their identity being established, let alone their health status. A special medication had to be ordered, and with around 30 translators we had to explain the pros and cons of the medication and urge migrants to undergo treatment. Of about 800 people, about half underwent treatment, mainly because they feared side effects and did not trust the medicines. Another respondent reported increased occurrences of TB among migrant groups. In relation to non-communicable health issues, one respondent encountered one couple of migrants, neither of whom had one kidney. The migrants said they had had a kidney taken. The respondent, however, suspects they donated a kidney to obtain money for smugglers for travel to Europe. Another respondent said they frequently meet migrants with gunshot wounds and shrapnel injuries from bombs. Another perceived risk is possible radicalization, affecting especially children and adolescents who arrive in Germany without parental accompaniment. This radicalization may occur both in mosques and by the previously mentioned salafists who move around public places. The same respondent stated elsewhere that radicals are the reason for migrants leaving their country of origin; however, those radicals then also come to Europe with the migration wave and continue their activity. Another respondent identifies as a risk the future large number of children born to migrants, who will be on the edge of poverty but will not know the problems that led their parents to leave their homeland. One respondent’s concern also stems from rigid adherence to traditions and customs and their promotion by migrants, which runs into the danger of political correctness that forces concessions by the majority. One respondent believes in successful integration, but this is not possible with such a mass inflow of migrants into Germany. Another respondent shared this view regarding the large number of arrivals: R4 – The biggest problem will probably be that this cannot go on indefinitely; Europe will not sustain it. Some respondents also pointed to the fact that in large cities such as Berlin or Munich the situation regarding migrants is significantly worse. In small towns where our respondents work and live, there is not such anonymity. We were struck by respondents’ statements about migrants’ attitudes toward European women. One respondent noted that European women, especially blond-haired women, attract migrants. Another respondent, in relation to this, mentioned problems occurring in swimming recreation areas, for example: R4 – At the recreation center, immigrant boys sometimes go there to swim; you can recognize them immediately. They stare greedily at girls in swimsuits, take advantage of the water situation, and feel each other up. But not all of them, it concerns individuals. Also mentioned as a risk area in statements was the loss of illusions and the desire to return, which is, however, made impossible by the threat of punishment or ongoing armed conflict. When asked whether respondents think integration would proceed better in the Czech Republic, three said definitely not, since Germans are more open and welcoming of migrants. One respondent said integration would be different because the Czech Republic is a smaller country than Germany and its citizens are more reserved regarding migration and migrants themselves.
RELATION BETWEEN INDIVIDUAL THEMES
According to the results of the analysis, the relationship between the individual themes can be described as follows: the entire integration process starts with language integration, which is the first level of integration. This is followed by integration into the labour market and then overall integration into society. All three integration-related areas are strongly influenced by the theme of the Muslim family, due to its closeness and adherence to tradition, which powerfully affects the integration process. If the integration process fails, or succeeds only partially, this failure can result in long-term dependence on the social system. The mentioned dependence on the social system then has an impact on the majority society’s view of migration policy overall. A poorly managed integration process results in a range of risk areas that can arise as a consequence.
DISCUSSION
The research results indicate that respondents are convinced that a very substantial number of migrants has arrived in Germany recently, especially from Syria, Iraq, Afghanistan, and African countries, and that this already exceeds system capacity. If this finding is compared with data reported by Eurostat, it can be concluded that in 2016 alone, around 750,000 people applied for asylum in Germany, with Syrians, Iraqis, and Afghans most represented; even in 2017, these are the major nationalities (Eurostat, 2018). Such a number of migrants, in the view of the researcher, must place extreme strain on the entire asylum system of the Federal Republic and has a pronounced effect on the integration process. The causes of migration in the case of Afghanistan, Syria, and Iraq can be seen in ongoing armed conflicts. It was not possible, however, to determine why migrants chose Germany specifically.
In the process of language integration, it was found that respondents often encountered complete lack of German or English proficiency among migrants. Some respondents, however, believed that migrants try to communicate and that some have a certain level of language competence. This is therefore an individual matter of each person. The cause of illiteracy or lack of even basic foreign-language knowledge, which is more commonly seen among Muslim women, must be sought already in source countries. The family arrangement in those countries is to blame, where a woman is often confined to a close environment and maintains contact only with people from her family, which are patterns that, according to our respondents, migrants bring with them to Germany as well. Another cause can be seen in the education system level of source countries. In examining indicators from the United Nations Development Programme, it can be established that according to the HDI (Human Development Index) in the Education category, countries such as Afghanistan, Syria, and Iraq are significantly below Germany. (Human Development Data, 2018) In other words, low educational attainment in source countries is probably one reason that a large portion of arriving migrants struggles to integrate linguistically into German society. Low educational level and poor language integration affect poor integration into the labour market. Respondents stated that migrants arriving in Germany are generally long-term unemployed or mostly perform unskilled work in most cases.
It should not be overlooked, however, that Germany is genuinely supportive toward migrants, and, according to respondents, migrants are offered various language, retraining, and other programs that are covered by the state or local authorities. It is also noticeable, according to respondents, that the state and local government cover housing, food, and cultural activities, and therefore for many migrants there is no reason to quickly push to integrate into the labour market. Problematic employment of migrants is also discussed, for example, in an article by POLITICO, which states that more than 400,000 asylum seekers were registered with employment agencies, but only 34,000 people found work (Kroet, 2016). It should be reminded that respondents also had positive personal experiences with colleagues in their workplaces. It is not, however, evident that these would be people who arrived in the most recent phase of the migration crisis.
The most complex area of possible integration of migrants from Muslim countries appears to be integration into the social environment. This integration is especially complicated by the seclusion and social separation of Muslim women from the majority society. To a large extent, these women are then confined to family and children environments. The Muslim family appears, based on findings, to be purely patriarchal, with a man deciding on most matters. The greatest problem in this category manifested as literal, rigid observance of religious customs, especially fasting during Ramadan and regular five daily prayers. Observing these religious practices causes complications in professional work. The need for Muslims to observe the five pillars of Islamic faith is discussed, for example, by (ABDALATI, 2010). A strong attachment to home countries was also found, particularly among migrants from Turkey. This aspect can also significantly affect the possible integration process.
The very large number of incoming migrants who have difficulty integrating linguistically and into the labour market, and who depend on the social system, has an increasingly negative effect on part of the majority German society, which has begun to express certain discontent with an open migration policy, which was also reflected in the latest German elections where the AfD gained positive results as a party positioning itself against this open policy (ČTK, 2017).
According to some of our respondents, there is increased criminality with migrants, showing both property and violent criminal activity. Fights and assaults linked to excessive alcohol consumption have also been recorded. One respondent reported incidents of touching and groping girls and women by migrants in a water park; this behavior could also be classified as unlawful. It should be noted that the issue of sexual harassment of women by migrants was widely discussed in the media, including in connection with the well-known New Year’s Eve night at the turn of 2015/2016. Another risk appears to be the occurrence of specific diseases such as scabies and TB, as reported by two respondents.
At the end of the discussion of the results, it can be concluded that in the risk areas linked to migration from Muslim countries, respondents did not provide information on how Muslim migrants relate to Islamic law and how they apply this law in family and property matters within their community. It was found that our respondents have no experience in their municipalities with emerging excluded localities, so-called no-go zones, likely because respondents work in small municipalities. Attitudes toward terrorism were negative and migrants were condemned.
CONCLUSION
In conclusion, this study managed to describe in considerable detail the ongoing integration process of migrants coming to Germany from an environment that is culturally, economically, and religiously markedly different. This process was described by respondents who work in the healthcare sector and who in Germany frequently interact with migrants practicing Islam. Mapping and describing the integration process of such a large number of migrants, including possible risks, was done mainly so that every worker in helping professions, namely the already mentioned healthcare personnel, but also workers in social services and, importantly, members of security services, can understand what complications mass migration from markedly different cultures can represent if it were to affect the Czech Republic in the future. It is important to realize that in the case of mass migration from countries such as Syria, Afghanistan, or other such markedly different localities, it will be healthcare workers, social workers, and soldiers and police officers who are first to come into contact with these newly arriving people. Fortunately, the Czech Republic does not have experiences with such mass migration, and people in healthcare, social, and security professions have not yet come into contact with migrants from such different backgrounds on a larger scale. This does not mean the situation could not change in the future. Therefore, this study could be particularly useful for understanding how these migrants behave, how they act, and how they can integrate, which is fundamentally the core purpose of the entire work.
At the very end it should be noted that this study was completed in April 2018, at a time when relations worsened between Western countries led by the USA, the United Kingdom, and France on one side, and the Syrian Arab Republic, the Islamic Republic of Iran, and the Russian Federation on the other, as a result of military operations in the Syrian Arab Republic. The probability that the migration crisis of 2015, when almost 1.5 million people came to Europe, would recur is currently quite high, and if the conflict in the Syrian Arab Republic escalates, it is almost certain. In such a case, it is necessary to know the specifics in the behavior and conduct of these migrants, who in a best-case scenario would only pass through the Czech Republic and in a worse case might want to settle here on a mass scale, for which, in our view, the Czech Republic is not prepared at all.
Author: Mgr. Tomáš Cvrček The author has been interested in migration issues for many years, particularly through higher education. In professional practice, the author is also confronted with migration issues, with a focus on the security field.
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