TRADITION IN ROMA FAMILIES (Orechov Justice)
INTRODUCTION
We can consider the family as a small social group that forms its own characteristic structure in interaction with wider social institutions. It is a whole, where based on emotional kinship relationships between parents, parents and children, or among other relatives, they form special relationships. Every family goes through many changes. These include changes in the structure of the family and changes in its functions (Kasanová, 2008, ). Certain changes are also taking place in the Roma family. We observed the changes in the current Roma family at Orechov dvor.
TRADITIONAL ROMA FAMILY
Konečná (1994, p. 17) states that: "the Roma family, like other families, goes through social development, but it also carries retardation trends, traditions and all manifestations of the Roma ethnicity". The family creates one of the most important socialization environments. It provides the individual with his basic identity, primarily creates the background for the first acquaintance and emotional experiences. According to Cangár (2002), the traditional Roma family is characterized by life in an extended extended family, a communal way of life, a clear division of roles in the Roma family and an understanding of the dwelling as temporary, provisional. Even Rosinský (2006, p. 29) confirms that: "the family lives together in close, literally close physical contact". Male and female roles are clearly and firmly defined in the family. Roma women perceive their gender identity much more clearly than Slovak women (Čerešník, Čerešníková, 2007, Čerešník, 2006). The Roma family cannot be understood as a certain number of individuals, but always as a whole. Families experience conflicts collectively, the individual always acts on behalf of the family. A mistake made by an individual is evaluated as a mistake of the whole family. Even Rosinský (2006) states that in a traditional Roma family, everyone had their place, everyone knew exactly their status and knew what they could and couldn't do. The relationships between family members (father, mother, grandmother, grandfather, brother, sister) are very strong. An individual from a traditional Roma family does not remain alone, neither at home, nor on the deathbed, nor in the hospital (Hartl, 1993). Čerešník and Čerešníková (2007) also confirm these findings and relate them to collectivism as a cultural dimension.
TRADITIONS IN THE ROMA FAMILY IN THE PAST
The spectrum of interest in traditionality in Roma culture will be selected socio-cultural regulations within traditions and customs: birth and baptism, wedding, marriage and burial.
Birth and Baptism In every family, the birth of a child is a significant event. It is not different in the Roma community either. As in the past, as well as today, the birth of a son is a great joy. He is the bearer of the family and when he grows up, he will represent his family among other Roma. Among the Olaš Roma, the man is the most important person in the family. The family has a strong patriarchal character. In the so-called Such a strict dominance of the Rumungs (i.e. Eastern Slovak Roma) has not yet been confirmed by more thorough research. As stated by Stojka and Pivoň (2003, p. 16) "when a child is born in an Oláš family and the mother brings him home from the hospital, the other Oláš mothers come to see him. Every Roma woman is curious about the child and each one wishes him health and happiness. One by one they hold him in their hands, or they just look at him and judge who he looks like. Before the actual baptism, the woman is not allowed to walk not to visit anywhere, because she is still unclean. The Olašská woman cleanses herself by going to church with her godmother before the baptism takes place. When children are baptized with Roma, their parents name them after their godfathers (if it is a boy) or after their godmothers (if it is a girl). Wedding and Marriage Fabian and Hübschmann (1991) describe in detail the Romani wedding in the past. When the young people returned from the national committee, they swore to each other once more in the Romani way. The mayor tied their hands with a red scarf, poured schnapps into the groom's palm, and the groom gave the bride a drink, then poured the mayor's drink to the bride, and the bride gave the groom a drink from his palm. "Live together like the black earth with black bread. Never bring shame to the other. And just as God shone the sun, so that you would never go astray in life and stray from the right human path. Then the music started again, the groom went around with a plate and the wedding guests threw money on the plate. Then one by one they went to dance with the bride."* (Stojka - Pivoň, 2003, 19-24 pp.).
After returning from the church, the wedding feast was prepared. She usually went with her relatives several days in advance. The music, which the musicians started to play when the wedding guests arrived, had to touch everyone's heart. First, it was played for a young couple and there was a mass toast to love and happiness. After the festive course, where the wedding party ate from one plate and the bride fed the groom, the bride went to the middle of the room, where the best man held a sieve or hat and the wedding party shopped solo with the bride. They considered the solo an honor.
Only then did the fun begin in full swing. Resisting dulcimer music and beautiful Romani songs was and is, at least for the Romani heart, quite impossible. (Fabianová, Hübschmannová 1991, 38 p.).
Funeral When comparing the two sub-ethnic groups of Roma living in Slovakia, certain differences can be observed in the habits of an unfortunate life event in the past and today. Vigil (family vigil over the deceased, author's note) is disappearing in today's world. In the past, however, it was common to spend three days over the deceased. He was never alone and his "last departure" from this world was accompanied by family and close friends. Stojka and Pivoň (2003, p. 120) report among Olaš Romas that before the vigil, the immediate family had to arrange themselves as follows: "When a father dies, his wife cuts her hair, because long hair signifies her beauty, and the woman to whom the man dies must not show it. She also takes off the clothes she wore when her husband was alive and puts on only black clothing from head to toe - she is completely When a woman dies, her husband, sons and daughters wear black clothes." In the past and in some localities even today, the deceased's personal and favorite objects were also put in the coffin, such as: wine, cards (if he liked to gamble), a whip (if he had horses), a stick, money, gold (most often rings), many flowers and holy pictures. When a woman died, they put a nice cloth in her coffin, which must have been expensive and also popular objects (Stojka – Pivoň, 2003). The Romanians played his favorite songs when burying the deceased. Barányiová (2013, p. 34) states: "Roma music stood and was formed on the abilities of the prima - he was the bearer of the melodic line, which he lent a variable, individualized form to. The playing of others was added to it. The second violin (secondary prima) had the task of amplifying the melodic contours of the piece. The role of contras was to harmonize the melody, to create a two-and-three with sounds filling The role of the bass was to maintain the basic rhythm, and it also had an important harmonic meaning. The bass, the cello, and the double bass set the basic rhythm in the composition, and the cymbal enriched the sound, softened the expression, and gave the music lightness.
SURVEY OF A TRADITIONAL ROMA FAMILY (ORECHOV DVOR)
The main goal was to confront selected thematic areas within the tradition of the Roma family with its current form.
Research Methods When conducting the survey, we used the qualitative research method - a semi-structured interview. Strauss and Corbin believe that data in itself should not be analyzed at all and that the task of the researcher is rather to collect data and present it in such a way that "informants speak for themselves" (Strauss, Corbin, 1999, 228 p.). Participant observation was an additional method.
We relied on the advice of Švec (2006, p. 53-54), who recommends evaluating empirical data in a certain order:
- coding (open)
- data connection (connection of certain dimensions)
- commenting on data (inserting a brief comment)
- drawing conclusions from own data analysis
Survey Subject We conducted the survey with six families in Orechov dvor. We cooperated with the Municipal Office in Nitra, Department of Social Services (Field Social Workers), which is involved in the National Project "Field Social Work in Municipalities". Roma families who have different family relationships, traditions and customs participated in the survey. After putting it into the overall context, we provide basic information and describe the specifics of the investigated location, but we will also respect the right to anonymity. The location Orechov dvor is located approx. 800m south of the continuously built-up area of the city of Nitra. It is the former area of the farm yard, which changed its functional use in 2004 - for housing. By decision of the City Council in Nitra, the location was selected for the construction of rental apartments with a lower standard, to which the Roma were moved from the city.
Two basic groups of Roma live in Orechov dvor: - Wallachian "Olas" Roma (characterized by a higher cultural and living standard, high authority of the vajda); - Rumungro (characterized by a lower-ranking group, mostly poorer, with weaker cultural and tribal ties). The locality is currently inhabited by 341 residents in 60 apartments of a lower standard. They are residents, the majority of whom are citizens of the marginalized Roma community.
CHARACTERISTICS OF THE SURVEY SAMPLE
FAMILY 1
Mrs. N., 54 years old, lives with her husband D. and 5 minor children in a cell in Orechov dvor. They attend elementary school in Krškany. An adult son Daniel lives in the cell with his partner and two minor children, both of whom are disabled, have cerebral palsy, cannot move, and are blind. Mrs. N. previously lived in Svätoplukovo, where their house was allegedly set on fire. They do not maintain hygiene in the apartment, it is at a low level. The furniture is modest, probably everyone sleeps on a double bed. All children are often sick, do not go to school, have their lessons excused. Mrs. N. receives benefits in material need, they have a designated special beneficiary, they have no debt on the apartment. They say they go to pick up containers (parents). The motivation for them is currently the purchase of a washing machine (in the case of compliance with hygiene as well as the "health" of the children).
FAMILY 2
Mrs. K., 42 years old, lives in a one-room apartment in Orechov dvor together with her husband Marek S., his parents (recipients of old-age pension) and their 4 children. The family was for some time in the Czech Republic, where the children were placed in the care of a children's home (except for Marek - he was on the run) by a court order due to neglect, then they were deported to Slovakia and placed in a children's home in Nitra, where they lived with a professional family. According to the children, they liked being in a professional family. The parents found housing in Orechov dvor, and institutional care was canceled for the children. Currently, Erik attends the 3rd grade - in Krškany, Janko goes to kindergarten (even for lunch, but they always send him home after 1.5 hours), František also attends elementary school in Krškany, 4th grade, Marek - 4th grade. Marek was on the run in the Czech Republic, where he was placed in the Diagnostic Center for Refugees. His mother had to go and pick him up directly in Prague. In the diagnostic center, they suspected that he was using drugs - meth. During our visit, Marek admitted to using drugs, he said that he sometimes takes meth and marijuana. He could not say where he gets the money for it, or why he uses drugs. He also could not comment on his escape to the Czech Republic, he said that his friends took him there and he did not even know where he was going.
The apartment is modestly furnished, in the front room there are 2 beds, in the back room there is a living room wall, a line, a bed and a TV. The hygiene in the home is not at the required level, the covers for the quilts are dirty, there are also dirt on the floor. The mother gives the impression as if she is taking some sedatives (she jumps from topic to topic, everything seems to be outside of her, she is always smiling). Parents receive benefits in material need, a special beneficiary is determined for the rent.
TRADITIONS IN ROMA FAMILIES (ORECHOV DVOR)
In this part of the work, we will describe the statements of the respondents on important events in the traditional Roma family, starting with birth and baptism, marriage, through the wedding, up to the customs observed at the traditional Roma funeral.
Birth and Baptism In today's dynamically developing world, traditional elements of Roma culture are also changing. Differences with the past can be observed in all areas of family and social life, starting with baptism. The Romanians perceive the birth of a child as follows: "We value every child born equally, whether it is a boy or a girl." (Ms. N., 54 years old). Among the Olaš Roma, they wish for a boy more: "...we would like a boy more, because the bride and her whole family will be added to our family." (Mrs. K., 42 years old). They consider the birth of a child to be the most important event in life, while certain elements of magic can be observed here: "When a child is born, we put a red ribbon on his left hand, and also before baptism, no one should look at him unless he has been baptized. He is not protected from evil spirits." These statements were similar for both sub-ethnic groups. Material gifts are an important gift for the child and the family: "We will put gold or money in his bedclothes." (Mrs. K., 42 years old). Marriage Marriage is deeply rooted in Roma culture and tradition and is associated with a number of rituals, although each group prefers different types of customs, but ultimately the essence is always the same. With them, it is a matter of course that the bride moves in with the groom, but nowadays, especially in the majority society, the newlyweds plan to live together on their own. "The bride always comes to live with the groom in our Olassk family, on the contrary, it is not possible..." (Mrs. K., 42 years old). Among the Romanians: "... here too, the bride moves in with the groom's family, but the opposite rarely happens." (Mrs. N., 54 years old). Wedding Among the traditions, whether of groups of Olaš or Rumugro Roma, is also a wedding. For the Romanians, choosing a bride is only an agreement. "With us Romanians, only by agreement. The parents of the bride and groom meet and discuss their future life. (Where they will live, work, money)..."(Ms. H., 67). "... Wedding is very important for us Romanians, especially when we marry a girl. A girl becomes a woman." The custom is that the bride gets married from the age of 18. ".... from 18 years or older..." (Mrs. N., 72) "The wedding feast lasts from morning to morning, ... it always takes place on Saturday from morning to morning. There must be a lot of food on the tables, burnt and it must be of a high standard." (Ms. N., 54 years old).
For both groups of Roma, a wedding is a ceremony when a girl becomes a woman, the groom takes responsibility for the whole family. It is a sin for them to live "wildly" - this type of coexistence is becoming a trend, especially among young people in the majority society. In our opinion, they are just afraid to take responsibility for the other. And the need for marriage is already disappearing, since for them it symbolizes only a piece of paper. And it is with Romanians and Olaš Roma that we can observe that their wedding represents a celebration of the "new life" of the newlyweds.
Among Olaš Roma, it is customary to choose a bride by agreement or elopement. "... we choose by agreement, payment or flight, not by kidnapping. We follow the traditions of the "beggar" when paying the bride. What does it look like with the question marks? "The most respected man from the groom's family goes to ask the bride, the whole family comes there accompanied by music. ... before entering the house, he bangs his stick three times, this symbolizes the arrival of the questioner and the bride's questioning from her parents... and they say: we learned that a beautiful bride lives here... then the father of the bride and usually two or three other family members are discussing by the window... they have either a bottle of wine or an expensive schnapps in their hands... the grooms the representative pulls out the money... the bride's father refuses, so he pulls out more money and when they agree, they let them in and the big celebration begins...” When the wedding takes place, is there a big feast? "Yes, a lot of people will come to the house of culture, guests will come... each family, as they arrive, a song will be played for them and everyone will bring expensive whiskey..."... we celebrate until the morning... the parents of the bride and the groom will agree upon the agreement..."(Ms. K., 42 years old). Funeral During the interview with the respondents on the topic of the funeral, a gloomy mood prevailed. It was difficult for families to talk about it. For them, the funeral symbolizes a certain ceremony, when the survivors say goodbye to the deceased and have the opportunity to tell him what they did not manage to do during their lifetime, but mainly, only the good. As they themselves claim about the deceased, only the good. The deceased's most favorite things are placed in the coffin, with the assumption that he will use it in the next world. In the house of the deceased, they cover or hang a mirror. Everyone who comes to say goodbye to the poor person puts their hand on him and asks for his forgiveness if he has ever hurt him in his life. They believe that his soul is still present. However, it is said that the dead person could return after a certain time and makes his visit known in a dream, announcing himself by slamming the door, the sound of footsteps, or leaving other visible signs. "There is a three-day penance before the funeral, and when the funeral is held, many people come. ...the funeral is accompanied by music, songs are played that he knew... "hallgató" (Mrs. N., 72 years old). The Olaš families who participated in the interview did not want to answer us on this topic, one family told us: "We mourn for a year, for example, when a husband dies, his wife cannot cook or clean, we wear black things - skirts... When a funeral takes place, music plays, fast music, and we put the deceased's most beautiful clothes and his favorite objects in the coffin: for men, a pipe, cigarettes, but also a violin or a guitar, for women, earrings, rings." (Mrs. K., 42 years old).
CONCLUSION
When we think about the current specific situation of the Roma and their relationship with the majority, in general we can assess that the Roma family even today represents a traditional type of multigenerational family in which the family hierarchy is changing. The Roma family is patriarchal, the father has the decisive word in the family, the mother is responsible for running the household and raising the children, while here we can observe certain differences compared to the majority society. The elements of the original culture disappear and are not replaced by other, new elements. The roots of the original Roma culture can still be found in the sub-ethnic group of Wallachian (so-called "Olašské") Roma. On the other hand, in the so-called "Rumugro" Roma should not observe any traditions, customs or customs mentioned in normative texts about Roma culture in the past. We express our belief in the need to preserve the "living fossils" of traditional life in the culture itself, which persisted alongside the dominant cultures for centuries.
Authors: Mgr. Magdalena Barányiová Mgr. Peter Keresztes
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